Harvard-Yenching Institute
The Emperor Ch'ien-lung and The Larger Śūramgamasūtra
Author(s): Baron A. von Staël-Holstein
Source: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Apr., 1936), pp. 136-146
Published by: Harvard-Yenching Institute
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THE EMPEROR CH'IEN-LUNG AND THE LARGER
SURAMGAMASUTRA
BARON A. VON STARL-HOLSTEIN
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
SINO-INDIAN INSTITUTE, PEIPING
According to the catalogue of the Chinese Tripitaka published by
Bunyiu Nanjio, there are two Buddhist siatras, the titles of which con-
tain the characters '-&1, (m-ramgama). The full Chinese titles of the
two works are the following: - (NANJIo No. 399), and
1 (NANJIo No. 446).
I call these two works, which have practically nothing in common,
the smaller (NANJIo No. 399) and the larger (NANJIo No. 446) Sgzram-
gama respectively. The smaller M-tramgama fills about 16 pages in the
Taish3 Tripitaka, and is said to have been proclaimed by the Buddha
on Mount Grdhrakcta near Rajagrha. The larger o2ramgama covers
about 49 pages in the Taish3 Tripitaka and is said to have been pro-
claimed in Andthapindika's park near 9rdvastI.
According to Nanjio, Chinese tradition ascribes the translation of
the smaller orframgama to Kumdrajiva lY*lff, while the larger
1 The original Sanskrit title of Nanjio No. 399 is evidently (Buddhabhdsita-)
?urarmgamasamddhisitra. Cf. Bibl. Buddh. I, page 91, and SAKURABE'S catalogue
No. 800.
Nanjio (No. 446) gives us the following as the full Sanskrit title of the larger
ggrarmgama: Mahabuddhosnisa-tathdgata-guhyahetu-saksatkrta-prasannartha-sar-
vabodhisattvacarya-stlrdiagarma-sitra. I prefer asram4gama or surangama to
siradgama. Cf. BMN1. Buddh. I, pages 8 and 91, and SAKARI's edition of the
Mahdvyutpatti, pages 40, 54, 63 and 104. In the XVIII century quadrilingual
edition of the larger gararmgama we find the following Sanskrit title: Sarvata-
thdgatasya guhyasiddhertha abhisamayahetu sarvabodhisatvasya caryd samutra-
degabuddhausnisaguranga nama mahdyanasi4tra. The reading samutradesa (for
the somewhat less incorrect samutdega) is probably due to the negligence of a
scribe, not to the ignorance of the translators. The following is the corresponding
Tibetan title: De bshin ggegs pahi gsaft ba sgrub pahi don mnfon par thob pahi
rgyu / byan chub sems dpah thams cad kyi spyod pa rgya mtsho ston pa / sfts
rgyas kyi gtsug tor dpah bar hgro ba shes bya theg pa chen pohi mdo. The
Sanskrit title given above has evidently been translated from the Tibetan title.
136
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THE LARGER SURkfAGAMASUTRA 137
9furamgama is supposed to have been translated in A. D. 705 by the
sramana Pan-la-mi-ti 2 in collaboration with the sramanas Mi-ch'ieh-shih-
chia WOMM and Shih-huai-ti R'M7.
The Sanskrit text of the smaller S9framgama seems to be lost, but the
fact that it existed in the past is proved by the Sanskrit text of the
Sikcsasamuccaya (BENDALL'S ed., pages 8 and 9), which twice refers to it.
The passages referred to in the oikcsasamuccaya are both found in the
Chinese (Taisho Trip. 15, 638 b and c) and in the Tibetan (A. D. 1700
Kanjur, vol. THU, 314 and 315) versions 3 of the smaller 6ftraingama.
In the Pei Liang translation of the Mahaparinirvancas2tra 92ramgama-
sftra MOMIZ) is mentioned, but it is evidently the smaller grtram-
gama, which is referred to there, not the larger one. Cf. Taisho Trip.
12, 388 b, 15, 640 a, 12, 390 a and 15, 640 a-b.
Volume THU of the A. D. 1700 Kanjur contains a Tibetan translation
of the smaller 9ftrarmgama, which is attributed to 9dkyaprabha. The
latter is known as the translator of some other works, and it seems to be
certain that the smaller oifraingama was translated by him from Sanskrit
into Tibetan. (Cf. Ann. du Musee Guimet 2, 399.) No Sanskrit text of
the larger jiframgama exists, and the s-dtra, as far as I know, is never
quoted in Sanskrit books or in Chinese or Tibetan works undoubtedly
translated from Sanskrit. The A. D. 1700 Kranjur edition catalogued
by Sakurabe contains only two fragments of the larger Siframgama, but
no complete version. These fragments are, according to BECKH'S
Verzeichniss (Berlin, 1914, p. 52, note 3), the Tohoku Index and
Sum-pa's Dpag-bsam-ljon-bzaA (Calcutta, 1908, page 414), translated
from Chinese.4 The larger fragment (Sakurabe No. 902) contains a con-
2 Nanjio (column 443) thinks that 1|A is a transliteration of Pramiti.
According to the HIbogirin (Fascicule Annexe, page 137) Paramiti is the original
Sanskrit name. According to an authority mentioned in the Hs& Tsang Ching
(tao No. 21, ts'6 No. 1, p. 53a shang), [Shih-]huai-ti translated the larger
Sgramgama in collaboration with an Indian Sramana whose name was unknown.
8In an article, which has already been printed and which will form part of
the forthcoming third volume of the Harvard Sino-Indian Series, I describe a
copy of the Kanjur, which must have been issued in A. D. 1692. The pagination
of this copy agrees with the pagination of the A. D. 1700 K'ang-hsi Kanjur
(catalogued by Sakurabe) except as far as the volumes OM, ZA, HI and SHI are
concerned.
4The title of Sakurabe's catalogue (Kyoto, 1930-1932) is:
W-Jj1 R A The title of the Tohoku catalogue (Sendai, 1934) is:
g RN. The date (A. D. 1747) given by Sarat Chandra Das (introduction,
page iii) for the Dpag-bsam-ljon-bzai! is wrong. Cf. PELLIoT, JA mai-juin 1913,
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138 BARON A. VON STAEIHOLSTEIN
secutive translation of a part of the ninth chapter 5 and the entire tenth
chapter of the larger 9furamgama. The smaller fragment (Sakurabe
No. 903) contains numerous passages belonging to the ninth and tenth
chapters of the larger &2dramgama. A considerable part of the larger
&drarmgama has been translated from Chinese into English by the Rev.
Samuel Beal (Catena pp. 286-369).
The fact that no Indo-Tibetan translation of the larger 92ramcgama
exists, is one of the arguments used by many ancient and modern authori-
ties, who want to prove that the larger g2rargama should not be regarded
as authoritative (tshad ma) by pious Buddhists. The Emperor Ch'ien-
lung is acquainted with the sceptics' view, but he does not share it.
In an imperial introduction issued on the 25th day of the 7th month
of the 35th year of Ch'ien-lung (A. D. 1770), we find the following
passage:
Safis rgyas kyi gtsug tor chen po dpah bar bgro babi mdo glegs bam
yofas rdsogs bshugs pa hdi s~a phyihi mkhas pa mani pos nub phyogs kyi
dpe ma rned zer nahand / / deki nafi gi bde ggegs gtsug tor gyi gzunls
rgya gar gyi dpe dani gin tu hgrig pas / / mdo kdi tshad ma yin par
mfion / / des na mdo hdis theg pa chen poki lam kbras kyi lus yofis su
rdsogs pa gsal bar rigs pa yafi dag gis bsgrubs pas na / / gus par bya
bahi gnas su. cihi phyir mi hdsin.6
p. 651. According to page 347a of a xylograph of the Dpag-bsam-ljon-bzaa,
Sum-pa's work was composed in A. D. 1748 (rab byutA bcu gsum pahi sa pho
hbrug lor).
5In the ninth chapter of the larger 9ilramgama (Taisho Trip. 19, 149c, A. D.
1692 Kanjur vol. DSU, p. 301b) true and false, male and female Buddhas
are mentioned (i ; yaa dag pahi sails rgyas rgyu mahi
safis rgyas skyes pahi saois rgyas / bud med kyi sails rgyas; read sgyu instead
of rgyu). The Tibetan version of a commentary on the Saddharmapui00arikastatra
(CORDIE1R, Fonds Tibe'tain, III, 372), which is said to be translated from Chinese,
says that there are times when false Buddhas (safis rgyas sprul pa) appear in
the world and others when they do not. Cf. the Choni Tanjur, Mdo, vol. DI,
p. 227a.
8 The passage occurs in an Imperial Introduction (rgyal pos mdsad pahi
gser gyi bkah hgyur rin po che gsar bsheas kyi kha byaf), which is found in
the first volume of a " golden Kanjur " belonging to the Peiping Palace Museum.
This " golden Kanjur " is hand-written (golden Tibetan characters on dark
blue paper) and most beautifully got up. The title-page of the first volume is
adorned with pearls and other precious substances. This particular golden Kanjur,
which now reposes in the vaults of a Shanghai bank, evidently contains a copy of
the Tibetan version of the larger ?iiramsgama (cf. the words glegs barn yons rdsogs
bshugs pa hdi in the passage quoted above). I am not in a position to ascertain
the fact because the golden Kanjur is no longer accessible. I had a photographic
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THE LARGER SURA4IGAMASUTRA 139
The imperial introduction affirms that a certain dhdrani, which forms
part of the Chinese version of the larger oiiramgama, entirely agrees
with the Indian text of the same dhdrani.7 From the fact that one
important part of the larger Adra-ngacma is undoubtedly based upon an
Indian original the Emperor draws the conclusion that the entire larger
A3uramgama must be authentic (tshad ma).
A critical examination of the same dhdrany has quite lately led Mr.
Li I-shao 4EJ*V-J to an entirely different conclusion. He thinks that
the dharani is badly transliterated in the larger S6ramgama and believes
that this fact militates against the authenticity of the entire work.8
Mr. Li compares our dhdran.i as it appears in the Chinese version of
the larger Sklramgama with the transliteration of it by Amoghavajra
(Taisho Trip. 19, 100-102) and finds that the version found in the larger
&duramgama is most unsatisfactory ( M fZL J14ft).
It is certainly true that the S69aramgama version of the dhirani contains
many mistakes.
The form par (Taisho Trip. 19, 135 c), for instance, is evidently
wrong (yakesabhyah). Amoghavajra (Taisho Trip. 19, 101 c) has
8a (yakesebhyah).
The character 4 represents both va, in bhavatu, and bha, in bhaya
(Taisho Trip. 19, 135 a 15 and 16). Amoghavajra (Taisho Trip. 19,
101 a 13) has If for va and - for bha in the same instances. When
considering such inconsistencies in the larger A23ramgama we should not
forget that even great authorities, who worked when the art of trans-
literating Indian sounds with Chinese characters was still in its infancy,
reproduction of the Imperial Introduction made when the collection was still in
Peiping.
7The only dhdrazn which occurs in the larger giaramgama is a very long one
(it occupies nearly three pages in the Taish4 Trip. 19. 134-136). The Emperor
calls it Bde-g~egs-gtsug-tor-gyi-gzuiis [Sugatosnisadhdrani], but the text of the
same dhdrani in Indian characters, which we find in the Taish6 Trip. (19. 102-
105), bears the following Chinese title *iiP kItJZ Mahabuddhosnisa-
mahadhiracn. The dhdrani is known under a number of other designations. Cf.
SAKURABE'S catal., No. 202, and HOERNLE'S Manuscript Remains, I, 53.
8 he essay Fo-hsiieh Wei Shu Pien Lfteh i in which Mr.
Li discusses the larger ?izramgama, appeared at Nanking in 1934 in the Kuo-li
uhung-yang Ta-hsiieh Wen-i Ts'ung-k'an 1 * $ tfIJ vol. 1, part
2, pp. 7-46.
I have to thank Professor Y. K. Tschen [Ch'6n Yin-k'o] for having drawn my
attention to this essay.
8a The Chinese characters enclosed within square brackets would normally be
of a very small font.
10
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140 BARON A. VON STAEL-HOLSTEIN
were not always consistent. HsUan-tsang (Taish5 Trip. 20, 404 b 3)
uses the character A for dha in Dhanada and for d in Rudra. Accord-
ing to Nanjio (columns 435, 443 and 444) Hsiian-tsang began trans-
lating Indian works in A. D. 645, and Amoghavajra in 746. The
Chinese version of the larger Skirargama is said to have been compiled
in A. D. 705.
A dhdrani consisting of nothing but meaningless rows of Chinese
characters, like certain supposedly " foreign " names occurring in Taoist
books,9 could be used to prove that the work, to which it belongs, had
been compiled in China independently of an Indian original. But the
dhdrani, which forms part of the larger Siframpmgam, notwithstanding
its shortcomings, is evidently based on an Indian original,10 and we
cannot agree to the use which Mr. Li makes of it in his argumentation.
Neither can the Emperor's view be accepted in its entirety (the
dhdrani proves the authenticity of the larger Rtram gam-a as a whole),
but we must admit that the 9ftramgama- (or Sugatosncsa-) dharan'i
makes the thesis of the ultra-sceptics (the larger Skirarngama is a Chinese
forgery from beginning to end) equally untenable.
Another argument advanced by Mr. Li against the authenticity of the
larger 9ftramgama is the fact that a stanza which occurs in lsUan-tsang's
translation of Bhavaviveka's Mahayanatalaratna astra (Nanjio No. 1237)
is also found in the larger ,itramgama. Mr. Li seems to be quite certain
that the stanza was first translated by Hsiian-tsang (about 647 A. D.)
from Bhavaviveka's Sanskrit and that HsUan-tsang's Chinese stanza
was later (about A. D. 705) taken over by the compiler of the Chinese
version of the larger 9ftram gama. Mr. Li evidently thinks that the
compiler slightly changed the Chinese stanza before taking it over, in
order to make the loan from Esiian-tsang less apparent.
9 Professor Forke says: " Ti-a-sha [the name of a Taoist god] " is intended to
sound like a foreign name. The third heaven is styled " the extremely fine Po-lo-ju
heaven with the deep dark celestial king Yfin (cloud), personal name Kuei-ling."
"Po-lo-ju means nothing, but it sounds like the Chinese rendering of some Sanskrit
name." Cf. The World-Conception of the Chinese, London, 1925, pp. 141-142.
Professor Hu Shih jnJ very kindly draws my attention to the fact that
some of the supposedly Indian names attributed by Chinese writers to certain
Buddhist patriarchs are evidently not based upon Sanskrit originals, but invented
in China. Cf. Taish6 Trip. No. 2079.
10 No Chinese work which the compiler could have used for his dharani is
known to exist or to have existed. All three Chinese transliterations of the
dhlrani mentioned by Sakurabe (No. 202) are of a later date than the larger
gararmgama. The latter is mentioned in the K'ai-yiian Lu (Taisho Trip. 51.
603 a), which was composed in A. D. 730. Cf. NANJIO, Introduction, p. xxvii.
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THE LARGER SFURAMGAMASUTRA 141
The following is the form in which the stanza appears in Hsiian-tsang's
translation (A) and in the Chinese version of the larger ,iframgama (B).
A.
'W-9A
B.
itfin ifJu_~
Sta6
Cf. Taish5 Trip. 30, 268 b and 19, 124 c.
An argument which militates still more strongly than this comparison
of the two stanzas against the purely Indian origin of the larger
Aialrarmgama has been suggested to me by the late Mr. Huang Chien WLO
one of my former pupils.
In Kumarajiva's translation of the Saddharmapundarikasfitra (Tokyo
Meiji Trip., vol. &, fasc. I, page 49 b) we find the following passage:
X~htO ++t~~tWS, M~fieW$to eJOC (mil
Wt jX X lp~tt) f84$J12o The bracketed part of the passage
has no equivalent in the Sanskrit text edited by Kern and Nanjio, in the
Tibetan translation (Sakurabe No. 781), or in the oldest Chinese trans-
lation (by Dharmaraksa, Nanjio No. 138). Therefore I regard the
bracketed part of the passage as one of the explanatory notes, which
Kumdrajiva '11 so often added to his translations. The bracketed part
of the passage contains an etymology (Gil) of the name T@:W,
and the fact that this etymology is also found (Tokyo Meiji Trip.,
vol. lit fasc. I, page 21 b) in the larger S2ramngamca (compiled about
11 Professor Lilders says: Ofter werden [von Kumarajiva] auch erklirende
Zusatze gemacht. Cf. Britchstiicke der Kalpandman.d1itika des Kimdralata,
Leipzig, 1926, pp. 58-59.
12 Rev. Samuel Beal, who translates our passage from Chinese into English
(Catena, pp. 389-390) says in a note: "This explanation [the eleven bracketed
characters] is wanting in the French version (i. e. Burnouf's translation of the
Saddharmapundarikasiltra from Sanskrit into French)."
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142 BARON A. VON STAEE-HOLSTEIN
three hundred years after Kumdrajiva's death) proves that the compiler
did not rely exclusively on purely Indian material.13
The imperial introduction (dated the 18th day of the 10th month
of the 28th year of Ch'ien-lung = A. D. 1763) to the quadrilingual
edition 14 (Chinese, Manchu, Mongol and Tibetan) of the larger ft2ramn-
gama does not discuss the authenticity of the work, but it contains a
number of more or less plausible data connected with the s-atra's history.
The quadrilingual introduction covers altogether twenty-four pages
(la-13a, there is no page numbered lb), seventeen of which are repro-
duced on plates 1-9 below. The following is a translation of the his-
torical portion of the introduction, which occupies pages la-9a and a
part of page 9b of the original 1 xylograph:
AN IMPERIAL INTRODUCTION TO THE TRANSLATIONS OF THE
MAHAYANASUTRA ENTITLED BURAMGAMA.16
All the sacred texts [of Buddhism, which are designated as] the
Trtptacka and [as] the Dvadasaifgapravacana [la] originated in the
holy land, and spreading [beyond the boundaries of the holy land]
gradually reached this middle empire (China). During their progress
from West [2a] to East [the sacred texts] first penetrated into the
country of Dbus-Gtsafi.17 The holy land is India, and Dbus-Gtsafa is
[one of the names of] Tibet. Owing to this [i. e. to the sacred texts
having penetrated first into Tibet] all the sacred texts [2b], which now
exist in China translated [into Chinese], are complete in Tibet [in
Tibetan translations]. The Mahayawnasftra called Sftraingama alone is
13 The name Bitt seems to be a translation of *Avalokitalokasvara. This
form of the name has, as far as I know, never been found in ancient books written
with phonetic characters. The forms Avalokitalokeivara and Avalokitasvara,
however, have been used in India and in Central Asia respectively. Cf. the YCHP
No. 17. 36.
14 The Yung Ho Kung lamasery of Peking possesses a block-printed copy of the
quadrilingual edition. It has ten volumes. The leaves are made of thick white
paper, and their size is 8/2 X 28 inches. The letters are red.
l5 The Chinese version of the A. D. 1763 introduction occasionally differs from
the Tibetan version, on which my translation is mainly based. I regard most of
those differences as insignificant and discuss only some of them in my notes.
16 The bracketed figures inserted into this translation refer to the ends of the
pages of the original xylograph.
17 Read brgyud na (instead of brgy