A City is Not A Tree中英翻译

清华大学本科生论文（测试版） A CITY IS NOT A TREE 城市不是树形结构 CHRISTOPHER ALEXANDER The tree of my title is not a green tree with leaves. It is the name of an abstract structure. I shall contrast it with another, more complex abstract structure called a semilattice. In order to relate these abstract structures to the nature of the city, I must first make a simple distinction. 我的题目中的“树”不是指那种有叶子的绿色的树，而是指一种抽象结构的名字。（通常叫做“数形”。）我将把它与另一个更加复杂的叫做“半格”的抽象结构进行对照。为了使这些抽象结构与城市的性质相结合，首先我需要做一种简单的区别。 I want to call those cities which have arisen more or less spontaneously over many, many years natural cities. And I shall call those cities and parts of cities which have been deliberately created by designers and planners artificial cities. Siena, Liverpool, Kyoto, Manhattan are examples of natural cities. Levittown, Chandigarh and the British New Towns are examples of artificial cities. 我会把那些在一段较长的时间内或多或少自发兴起的城市叫做“自然的城市”。而将那些在设计师和规划师设计下而形成的城市或者那部分的城市称为“人造的城市”。 锡耶纳，曼哈顿，京都，利物浦都是自然的城市。莱维顿镇，昌迪加尔和英国的新城则是人造的城市。 It is more and more widely recognized today that there is some essential ingredient missing from artificial cities. When compared with ancient cities that have acquired the patina of life, our modern attempts to create cities artificially are, from a human point of view, entirely unsuccessful. 今天，人们越来越广泛的认识到，人造的城市中缺少一些必要的因素。从人类的视角看来，与那些拥有悠久历史的古老城市相比，我们这些现代人尝试人工创造的城市，是完全失败的。 Both the tree and the semilattice are ways of thinking about how a large collection of many small systems goes to make up a large and complex system. More generally, they are both names for structures of sets. 数形与半格都是考虑一种思考一些很大数量的小的体系是如何构成一个大的复杂的系统的方法。更通俗的说，他们都是集合的构造的名字。 In order to define such structures, let me first define the concept of a set. A set is a collection of elements which for some reason we think of as belonging together. Since, as designers, we are concerned with the physical living city and its physical backbone, we must naturally restrict ourselves to considering sets which are collections of material elements such as people, blades of grass, cars, molecules, houses, gardens, water pipes, the water molecules in them etc. 为了定义这种结构，首先定义一下“集合”的概念。“集合”是一个由于某些原因我们认为具有同一属性的要素的收集。于是，作为设计者，我们关心物质的适于生活的城市以及它的中轴线，我们必须限制我们自己去考虑那些物质的元素的集合，例如人人，草，汽车，分子，房子，花园，水管以及其中的水分子等等。 When the elements of a set belong together because they co-operate or work together somehow, we call the set of elements a system. 当集合里的元素因为他们相互合作或者因某些原因一起运转时，我们称这种集合为“系统”。 For example, in Berkeley at the corner of Hearst and Euclid, there is a drugstore, and outside the drugstore a traffic light. In the entrance to the drugstore there is a newsrack where the day's papers are displayed. When the light is red, people who are waiting to cross the street stand idly by the light; and since they have nothing to do, they look at the papers displayed on the newsrack which they can see from where they stand. Some of them just read the headlines, others actually buy a paper while they wait. 例如，在伯克利，赫斯特和欧几里德的拐弯处，有一个药房，在药房外边有个一个交通灯。 在药房的入口里有个报栏，里面有每天的报纸。当红灯的时候，等待穿过街道的人们站在灯旁边等待，也许他们没什么可做的，于是他们就看那些从他们站的地方可以看得到的报纸。 在他们等待的时候，一些人只读标题，另一些人却会买一张报纸。 This effect makes the newsrack and the traffic light interactive; the newsrack, the newspapers on it, the money going from people's pockets to the dime slot, the people who stop at the light and read papers, the traffic light, the electric impulses which make the lights change, and the sidewalk which the people stand on form a system - they all work together. 这种效果使得报栏和交通灯互相影响，放着报纸的报栏，从人们的口袋进入报栏的钱，在交通灯前停下读报的人们，交通灯，那个使灯改变的电气推动，还有人们脚下的人行横道组成了一个系统——他们全部一同运作。 From the designer's point of view, the physically unchanging part of this system is of special interest. The newsrack, the traffic light and the sidewalk between them, related as they are, form the fixed part of the system. It is the unchanging receptacle in which the changing parts of the system - people, newspapers, money and electrical impulses - can work together. I define this fixed part as a unit of the city. It derives its coherence as a unit both from the forces which hold its own elements together and from the dynamic coherence of the larger living system which includes it as a fixed invariant part. 从设计者的观点看来，这个系统中物质上不变的部分是最有趣的。报栏，交通灯和在它们之间的人行道，以及他们之间的相互关系，形成这个系统的固定部分。正式这些固定部分形成了可变部分的基础——人，报纸，钱和电脉冲——使他们能一同运作。我把这个固定的系统定义为城市的一个单元。作为一个单元，它从把它自己的元素结合在一起的力量那里以及从把它作为一个固定的不变的部分包括的更大的动态系统的连贯性那里取得它的连贯性。 Of the many, many fixed concrete subsets of the city which are the receptacles for its systems and can therefore be thought of as significant physical units, we usually single out a few for special consideration. In fact, I claim that whatever picture of the city someone has is defined precisely by the subsets he sees as units. 对于大部分的那些可以被看作是系统的容器并因此被认为是城市的重要的固定单元的子集来说，我们通常选出一些作为典型的考虑。实际上，我认为无论某人的城市的映像是什么，它都正好被他看作是单元的子集定义。 Now, a collection of subsets which goes to make up such a picture is not merely an amorphous collection. Automatically, merely because relationships are established among the subsets once the subsets are chosen, the collection has a definite structure. 现在，那些组成这样的一张图的子集合不再是无定形的。通常自动的，一旦子集被选出，仅仅当子集中的关系是确定的时候，那些子集就会有一个确定的结构。 To understand this structure, let us think abstractly for a moment, using numbers as symbols. Instead of talking about the real sets of millions of real particles which occur in the city, let us consider a simpler structure made of just half a dozen elements. Label these elements 1,2,3,4,5,6. Not including the full set [1,2,3,4,5,6], the empty set [-], and the one-element sets [1],[2],[3],C4],[5], [6], there are 56 different subsets we can pick from six elements. 为了理解这个结构，让我们暂时的抽象的思考，使用数字作为符号。让我们考虑一个只不过由半打要素做成的简单结构，而不是思考在城市发生的真正的数百万个真实的粒子。给这些要素贴上1，2，3，4，5，6 的标签。不包括 [1,2,3,4,5,6 ]的全集，空集[-]，以及单元素集合[1],[2], [3],[4],[5],[6]，我们可以找到56 个不同的子集合由这6种元素构成的。 Suppose we now pick out certain of these 56 sets (just as we pick out certain sets and call them units when we form our picture of the city). Let us say, for example, that we pick the following subsets: [123], [34], [45], [234], [345], [12345], [3456]. 假定我们现在从这56个集合中选出某一个，（正如我们形成一个城市的描述的时候，我们选出某些集合并把他们称为单元一样）。例如，我们选出了以下的子集合：[123]，[34]，[45]，[234]，[345]，[12345]，[3456]。 What are the possible relationships among these sets? Some sets will be entirely part of larger sets, as [34] is part of [345] and [3456]. Some of the sets will overlap, like [123] and [234]. Some of the sets will be disjoint - that is, contain no elements in common like [123] and [45]. 这些设备之间可能的关系是什么？一些集合完全是较大的集合的一部分，例如[34]是[345]以及[ 3456]的一部分。一些集合互相重叠，例如[123]与[234]。一些集合之间没有相同的元素——比如，在[123]与[45]之间没有相同的元素。 As we see from these two representations, the choice of subsets alone endows the collection of subsets as a whole with an overall structure. This is the structure which we are concerned with here. When the structure meets certain conditions it is called a semilattice. When it meets other more restrictive conditions, it is called a tree. 从这两种情况我们可以看出，这些选出的子集单独的作为一个整体的结构支持这些子集的集合。这是我们关心的结构。当这些结构满足某些条件时，它被称为“半格”。当它满足其他更限制性的条件时，它被叫为“树形”。 The semilattice axiom goes like this: A collection of sets forms a semilattice if and only if, when two overlapping sets belong to the collection, the set of elements common to both also belongs to the collection. 半格的公理是这样的：当且仅当一个集合里包括的两个集合互相重叠，而且其中重叠的元素也属于这个集合的时候，这个集合被称为一个“半格”。 The structure illustrated in diagrams A and B is a semilattice. It satisfies the axiom since, for instance, [234] and [345] both belong to the collection and their common part, [34], also belongs to it. (As far as the city is concerned, this axiom states merely that wherever two units overlap, the area of overlap is itself a recognizable entity and hence a unit also. In the case of the drugstore example, one unit consists of newsrack, sidewalk and traffic light. Another unit consists of the drugstore itself, with its entry and the newsrack. The two units overlap in the newsrack. Clearly this area of overlap is itself a recognizable unit and so satisfies the axiom above which defines the characteristics of a semilattice.) The tree axiom states: A collection of sets forms a tree if and only if, for any two sets that belong to the collection either one is wholly contained in the other, or else they are wholly disjoint. 在图解A和图解B中的结构是半格。例如，由于[234]以及[345]都属于这个集合，并且，他们的共同部分，[34]，也属于它，因此这满足半格的定义。（就城市而言，这条公理仅仅表明了无论两个单元如何重叠，重叠的地区本身也是一个被认识的实体并且作为一个单位而存在。就药房例子而言，报栏，人行道和交通灯组成一个单位。另一个单位亲自由药房组成，带有它的入口和报栏。两个单元的重叠部分为报栏。显然，这重叠的部分本身是一个可认识的单位并且因此满足前面确定一个半格的特性的公理。）树形的定义是这样的：当且仅当一个集合里包括的两个集合一个完全属于另一个，或者两个集合毫不相关的时候，这个集合被称为一个“树形”。  However, in this chapter we are not so much concerned with the fact that a tree happens to be a semilattice, but with the difference between trees and those more general semilattices which are not trees because they do contain overlapping units. We are concerned with the difference between structures in which no overlap occurs, and those structures in which overlap does occur. 但是，在这个章节中，我们并不关心一个树形肯定是半格的这个事实，我们关心的是树形与那些因为包含了相互重叠的单元的不是树形的更一般的半格之间的区别，我们关心的是没有重叠发生的结构和那些有重叠的结构之间的区别。 It is not merely the overlap which makes the distinction between the two important. Still more important is the fact that the semilattice is potentially a much more complex and subtle structure than a tree. We may see just how much more complex a semilattice can be than a tree in the following fact: a tree based on 20 elements can contain at most 19 further subsets of the 20, while a semilattice based on the same 20 elements can contain more than 1,000,000 different subsets. 那些造成如此区别的重叠的重要性不只如此，相对于树形来说，半格是一种潜在的更复杂微妙的结构，这个事实更为重要。从上面的例子我们可以看出半格比树形更加复杂，一个基于20个元素的数形最多含有19个深一层的子集，但一个基于这同样的20个元素的半格包含了至少1,000,000个不同的子集。 This enormously greater variety is an index of the great structural complexity a semilattice can have when compared with the structural simplicity of a tree. It is this lack of structural complexity, characteristic of trees, which is crippling our conceptions of the city. 与结构简单的树形相比，这种巨大的不同是一种半格的巨型结构负责性的指标。正是这种树形特点上的结构复杂性的缺乏，使我们城市的概念大打折扣。 To demonstrate, let us look at some modern conceptions of the city, each of which I shall show to be essentially a tree. 例如，让我们看看一些现代概念的城市，他们中的每个本质上都是一个树形。 Figure 1. Columbia, Maryland, Community Research and Development, Inc.: Neighbourhoods, in clusters of five, form 'villages'. Transportation joins the villages into a new town. The organization is a tree. 图1、位于哥伦比亚的马里兰的社区研究和发展股份有限公司：邻里关系，五个一体，形成了“乡村”的结构。交通系统把这些乡村联系成为一个新城。这种结构是一个树形。 Figure 2. Greenbelt, Maryland, Clarence Stein: This 'garden city' has been broken down into superblocks. Each superblock contains schools, parks and a number of subsidiary groups of houses built around parking lots. The organization is a tree. 图2、克拉伦斯·斯坦的马里兰绿化带：这个“花园城市”已经被分解为大的街区。每个大街区包含学校，公园和许多位于停车场附近的辅助建筑。这种组织形式是一种树形。 Figure 3. Greater London plan (1943), Abercrombie and Forshaw: The drawing depicts the structure conceived by Abercrombie for London. It is made of a large number of communities, each sharply separated from all adjacent communities. Abercrombie writes, 'The proposal is to emphasize the identity of the existing communities, to increase their degree of segregation, and where necessary to recognize them as separate and definite entities.' And again, 'The communities themselves consist of a series of sub-units, generally with their own shops and schools, corresponding to the neighbourhood units.' The city is conceived as a tree with two principal levels. The communities are the larger units of the structure; the smaller sub-units are neighbourhoods. There are no overlapping units. The structure is a tree. 图3。由阿伯克龙比和福肖设计的大伦敦计划(1943)：一个由阿伯克龙设计的描绘伦敦城市结构构思的图画。它由许多跟相邻的社区明显分离的社区组成。阿伯克龙比写到，“这么做的目的是为了强调现有的社区的独立性，增加他们的独立性，必要的话，把他们看作是分离的特定的实体。”以及“这些社区本身是由一系列的子单元组成的，通常是他们内部的商店和学校，也是一种类似邻里关系的单元。”在两种基本的层面上，城市被设计为一种树形的结构。社区是这种结构内大一些的元素，而较小的元素是邻里关系。在整个结构中，没有有互相重叠关系的元素存在，因此整个结构是一种树形结构。 Figure 4. Mesa City, Paolo Soleri: The organic shapes of Mesa City lead us, at a careless glance, to believe that it is a richer structure than our more obviously rigid examples. But when we look at it in detail we find precisely the same principle of organization. Take, particularly, the university centre. Here we find the centre of the city divided into a university and a residential quarter, which is itself divided into a number of villages (actually apartment towers) for 4000 inhabitants, each again subdivided further and surrounded by groups of still smaller dwelling units. 图4。 保罗的台地城市：乍一看来，台地城市的有机形状让我们以为他比我们其他的刚性的城市更有丰富性。但是当我们仔细看的时候就会发现，他们正是有着相同的组织原理的。大学中心区就是一个例子，在那里我们看到，城市的中心区被分成了一个大学区和一个居住区，这个居住区又被分成了许多村落（实际上是一个个公寓楼），里面居住着4,000人，每个村落又被进一步细分成更小的居住单元。 Figure 5. Tokyo plan, Kenzo Tange: This is a beautiful example. The plan consists of a series of loops stretched across Tokyo Bay. There are four major loops, each of which contains three medium loops. In the second major loop, one medium loop is the railway station and another is the port. Otherwise, each medium loop contains three minor loops which are residential neighbourhoods, except in the third major loop where one contains government offices and another industrial offices. 图5、Kenzo Tange的东京计划：这是一个美丽的例子。计划由一系列横亘东京的环组成。有4个大环，其中每个环又包含3个中等的环。在第2 个大环中，其中一个中等的环是火车站，另一个是港口。其余的每个中等的环包含3个居住邻里关系的小环，除了在第3 个主环内，一个包含政府办公室和另一个是工业办公室之外。 Figure 6. Chandigarh (1951), Le Corbusier: The whole city is served by a commercial centre in the middle, linked to the administrative centre at the head. Two subsidiary elongated commercial cores are strung out along the maior arterial roads, running north-south. Subsidiary to these are further administrative, community and commercial centres, one for each of the city's 20 sectors. 图6：勒·柯布西埃的昌迪加尔( 1951)：整个城市的商业中心设置在中间，与行政管理中心毗邻。附属的中心被向两端拉长，一直沿着城市中心的南北向道路延伸。这些附属的中心是进一步管理的社区和商业中心，城市中大约分作20个这样的部分。 Figure 7. Brasilia, Lucio Costa: The entire form pivots about the central axis, and each of the two halves is served by a single main artery. This main artery is in turn fed by subsidiary arteries parallel to it. Finally, these are fed by the roads which surround the superbiocks themselves. The structure is a tree. 图7，Lucio Costa的巴西利亚规划：整个形体围绕着中心轴对称，城市的两半中都有一条主要交通干道穿过。这些主干道是由一系列与之平行的附属道路辅助的。最终，这些道路都被一些环绕着巨大街区的道路所辅助。整个结构是一种树形。 Figure 8. Communitas, Percival and Paul Goodman: Communitas is explicitly organized as a tree: it is first divided into four concentric major zones, the innermost being a commercial centre, the next a university, the third residential and medical, and the fourth open country. Each of these is further subdivided: the commercial centre is represented as a great cylindrical skyscraper, containing five layers: airport, administration, light manufacture, shopping and amusement; and, at the bottom, railroads, buses and mechanical services. The university is divided into eight sectors comprising natural history, zoos and aquariums, planetarium, science laboratories, plastic arts, music and drama. The third concentric ring is divided into neighbourhoods of 4000 people each, not consisting of individual houses, but of apartment blocks, each of these containing individual dwelling units. Finally, the open country is divided into three segments: forest preserves, agriculture and vacation lands. The overall organization is a tree. 图8。珀西瓦尔和保罗的社区群：社区群作为一种树形明确的组织：它被首先分成4个同心的主要区域，最内部作为商业中心，然后是一所大学，第三个是居住和医院区，最外面的是开放郊区。这些中的每个被更进一步细分：商业中心是一座巨大的圆柱体的摩天大厦，包括五层：飞机场，管理层，轻工业层，购物和娱乐层；并且，在大厦的底部，设有铁路，公共汽车和机械服务。大学分成8个部分，包括博物学，动物学和水族馆，天文馆，科学实验室，造型艺术馆，音乐部分和戏剧部分。 第3 同心圆分成每个4000的，不是由单独的住宅，而是公寓街区组成的邻近地区，其中每个都包含了独立的居住单元。最后，郊外被分成3 部分：森林保护区，农业区和旅游区。总体的组织是一种树形。 Figure 9.The most beautiful example of all I have kept until last, because it symbolizes the problem perfectly. It appears in Hilberseimer's book The Nature of Cities. He describes the fact that certain Roman towns had their origin as military camps, and then shows a picture of a modern military encampment as a kind of archetypal form for the city. It is not possible to have a structure which is a clearer tree. The symbol is apt, for, of course, the organization of the army was designed precisely in order to create discipline and rigidity. The photograph on the [left] is Hilberseimer's own scheme for the commercial area of a city based on the army camp archetype. 图9、我把最美的例子放在了最后，因为它完美的阐述了问题。它就是Hilberseimer书中的“自然城市”。他记录了这样一个事实，某些古罗马的城市有一种军营的组织形式，以及现代的军队都以一种城市原型的方式扎营的图片。形成一个清楚的树形的结构是不可能的。符号只是一部分，军队的组织是被设计来保证严格的纪律的。左面的照片是Hilberseimer自己为基于军营原型的城市商业区的设想。 Each of these structures, then, is a tree. Each unit in each tree that I have described, moreover, is the fixed, unchanging residue of some system in the living city (just as a house is the residue of the interactions between the members of a family, their emotions and their belongings; and a freeway is the residue of movement and commercial exchange). 上面这些结构每个都是树形。在这些我已经描述过的每个树形里的每个单位都是变化的城市里的固定的，不可改变的部分。就好比住宅是一个交互的家庭成员、他们的情感以及他们的财产的固定部分，高速公路是移动于贸易交换的残余的固定部分一样。 However, in every city there are thousands, even millions, of times as many more systems at work whose physical residue does not appear as a unit in these tree structures. In the worst cases, the units which do appear fail to correspond to any living reality; and the real systems, whose existence actually makes the city live, have been provided with no physical receptacle. 但是，在每座城市有数千，甚至数百万的不存在固定部分的物质体系的单位处于这些树形结构内。从最糟的例子看来，这些不出现的单元不与任何活动的实体发生关系，这些使得车工能使生存的实实在在的系统并没有任何物质的基础。 Neither the Columbia plan nor the Stein plan for example, corresponds to social realities. The physical layout of the plans, and the way they function suggests a hierarchy of stronger and stronger closed social groups, ranging from the whole city down to the family, each formed by associational ties of different strength. 哥伦比亚计划和斯坦计划都不是相对于社会现实的。计划的实际布局，以及他们运作的方式方法都表明了一种越来越坚固的关闭的社会团体的阶层，从整个城市一直到每个由不同辅助力量形成的家庭都是这样。 In a traditional society, if we ask a man to name his best friends and then ask each of these in turn to name their best friends, they will all name each other so that they form a closed group. A village is made up of a number of separate closed groups of this kind. 在一个传统的社会里，我们要一个人他的最好的朋友然后依次要求这些朋友中的每个评价他们的最好的朋友，他们将全部给出一种以便使他们形成一个紧密的组的评价。一个村庄由许多这种单独的紧密的组组成。 But today's social structure is utterly different. If we ask a man to name his friends and then ask them in turn to name their friends, they will all name different people, very likely unknown to the first person; these people would again name others, and so on outwards. There are virtually no closed groups of people in modern society. The reality of today's social structure is thick with overlap - the systems of friends and acquaintances form a semilattice, not a tree (Figure 10). 但是今天的社会结构完全不同。如果我们让一个人评价她的朋友，然后依次要他们朋友反过来评价，他们将都评价一些完全不同的人，每个人好像都不知道前一个人的；这些人再次将评价其它人，一直向外扩散。在现代社会方面实际上没有像过去的社会那些紧密而单一的组。今天的社会结构的现实充满重叠——朋友和相识的人的系统形成一个半格，而不是一个树形（图10）。 In the natural city, even the house on a long street (not in some little cluster) is a more accurate acknowledgement of the fact that your friends live not next door, but far away, and can only be reached by bus or car. In this respect Manhattan has more overlap in it than Greenbelt. And though one can argue that in Greenbelt, too, friends are only minutes away by car, one must then ask: since certain groups have been emphasized by the physical units of the physical structure, why are just these the most irrelevant ones? 在自然的城市中，即使，一个长长的街道边的房子相当准确，你的朋友并非就在隔壁，而是在远方，并且只能乘公共汽车或者小汽车到达。与绿化带相比较，曼哈顿在这方面有更多的重叠的现象。即使一个人也在绿化带也能了解这些，朋友并不远，坐汽车仅仅只有数分钟，但是他也会问：既然某些组已经被物质结构中的单元强调过了，为什么这些只是最不相关的一些呢？ The units of which an artificial city is made up are always organized to form a tree. So that we get a really clear understanding of what this means, and shall better see its implications, let us define a tree once again. Whenever we have a tree structure, it means that within this structure no piece of any unit is ever connected to other units, except through the medium of that unit as a whole. 组成人造城市的单位通常会被组织成“树形”的结构。为了我们能够得到一个真正清晰的理解它的含义，让我们再一次定义“树形”。任何一个树形结构都意味着在这个结构内部没有任何单位于别的单位相连，除了通过那种把单位作为一个整体媒介之外。 The enormity of this restriction is difficult to grasp. It is a little as th