心理学专业英语

心理学专业英语 ?心理学专业英语? 第一期主题:心理学是什么,,What Psychology Is Why people do the things they do is an age-old question. However, psychology--the science concerned with behavior, both humans and animals--is only about 125 years old. Despite its youth, it is a broad discipline, essentially spanning subject matter from biology to sociology. Biology studies the structures and functions of living organisms. Sociology examines how groups function in society. Psychologists study two critical relationships: one between brain function and behavior, and one between the environment and behavior. As scientists, psychologists follow scientific methods, using careful observation, experimentation, and analysis. But psychologists also need to be creative in the way they apply scientific findings. Psychologists are frequently innovators, evolving new approaches from established knowledge to meet changing needs of people and societies. They develop theories and test them through their research. As this research yields new information, these findings become part of the body of knowledge that practitioners call on in their work with clients and patients. Psychology is a tremendously varied field. Psychologists conduct both basic and applied research, serve as consultants to communities and organizations, diagnose and treat people, and teach future psychologists and other types of students. They test intelligence and personality. They assess behavioral and mental function and well-being, stepping in to help where appropriate. They study how human beings relate to each other and also to machines, and they work to improve these relationships. And with America undergoing large changes in its population makeup, psychologists bring important knowledge and skills to understanding diverse cultures. Many psychologists work independently. They also team up with other professionals--for example, other scientists, physicians, lawyers, school personnel, computer experts, engineers, policy makers, and managers--to contribute to every area of society. Thus we find them in laboratories, hospitals, courtrooms, schools and universities, community health centers, prisons, and corporate offices. Psychologists traditionally study both normal and abnormal functioning, and also treat patients with mental and emotional problems. Today, they are increasingly concentrating on behaviors that affect the mental and emotional health and mental processes of healthy human beings. For example, they work with business executives, performers, and athletes to combat stress and improve performance. They advise lawyers on jury selection and collaborate with educators on school reform. They show up immediately following a disaster such as a plane crash or bombing, to help victims and bystanders recover from the trauma, or shock, of the event. They team with law enforcement and public health officials to analyze the causes of such events and prevent their occurrence. Involved in all aspects of our fast-paced world, psychologists must keep up with what's happening all around us. When you're a psychologist, your education never ends. Psychology is a discipline with a bright future. Among fields requiring a college degree, it is expected to be the third fastest-growing field in America through the year 2005 and to continue to grow steadily for at least another dozen years after that. Opportunities for work in psychology are expanding in number and scope. The move toward preventing illness, rather than merely diagnosing and treating it, requires people to learn how to make healthy behavior a routine part of living. Indeed, many of the problems facing society today are problems about behavior, for example, drug addiction, poor personal relationships, violence at home and in the street, and the harm we do to our environment. Psychologists contribute solutions to problems through careful collection of data, analysis of data, and development of intervention strategies--in other words, by applying scientific principles, the hallmark of psychology. In addition, an aging America is leading to more research and practice in adapting our homes and workplaces for older people. The promises of the electronic revolution demand more user-friendly technologies and training. More women in the workplace calls for employers to accommodate the needs of families. Psychologists are helping employers to make the changes that are needed. The diversity of America today calls for psychologists to develop and refine therapies to meet the unique needs of different ethnic groups. Furthermore, research advances in learning and memory, and the integration of physical and mental health care, make psychology more exciting than ever. Most psychologists say they love their work. They cite the variety from day to day and the flexibility of their schedules. They are thrilled by the most exciting changes taking place in the field, from working with primary care physicians to using computers. 1 Most of all, they are committed to helping people manage the ups and downs of daily life. The study of psychology is also good preparation for many other professions. Many employers are interested in the skills that psychology majors bring to collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data, and their experience with statistics and experimental design. The Job Outlook for the Next Two Decades Psychology graduates are generally pleased with the way what they studied in school helped prepare them for both life and work. A woman who opened her own business shortly after earning a baccalaureate in psychology explains, "After all, psychology is the business of life." Psychology graduates continue to be excited by the changes taking place in the field that relate to what they are now doing. Doctoral Graduates As might be expected, the highest paid and greatest range of jobs in psychology are available to doctoral graduates. Although the number of doctoral graduates has at least doubled over the past 12 years, the demand continues to meet the supply. Furthermore, unemployment and underemployment rates for doctoral psychologists are slightly below the average for other scientists and engineers. Few drop out of the field. The greatest expansion of career opportunities for doctoral psychologists in the last decade have been in the subfields of clinical, counseling, school, health, industrial and educational psychology. As a consequence portionally fewer new doctorates have headed into faculty positions as compared with the past. Master's Graduates The number of psychology students who pursue a terminal master's degree has increased sixfold since 1960. Competition for positions in psychology-related jobs is keen; nevertheless, approximately one-third of those with a master's degree in psychology find such work. Many handle research and data collection and analysis in universities, government, and private companies. Others find jobs in health, industry, and education, the primary work settings for psychology professionals with master's degrees. With growing recognition of the role of the psychologist in the community, more jobs for psychologists with master's degrees may also become available in community mental health centers. Psychologists with master's degrees often work under the direction of a doctoral psychologist, especially in clinical, counseling, school, and testing and measurement psychology. Some jobs in industry, for example, in organizational development and survey research, are held by both doctoral- and master's-level graduates. But industry and government jobs in compensation, training, data analysis, and general personnel issues are often filled by professionals with master's degrees in psychology. Bachelor's Graduates Some students stop with a bachelor's degree in psychology and find work related to their college major. For example, they may be assistants in rehabilitation centers. If they meet state certification requirements, they can teach psychology in high school. But the study of psychology at the bachelor's level is also a fine preparation for many other professions. In fact, psychology is the second most popular undergraduate major behind business administration. In 1996, about 65,000 college seniors graduated with a degree in psychology, but many were not necessarily interested in a career as a psychologist. Of these 65,000 students, less than1 in 10 enrolled in graduate work in psychology. These students often possess good research and writing skills, are good problem solvers, and have well-developed, higher-level thinking ability when it comes to analyzing, synthesizing, and evaluating information. Most find jobs in administrative support, public affairs, education, business, sales, service industries, health, the biological sciences, and computer programming. They work as employment counselors, correction counselor trainees, interviewers, personnel analysts, probation officers, and writers. Two-thirds believe their job is closely or somewhat related to their psychology background and that their jobs hold career potential. Psychology majors have many qualities that are attractive to job recruiters. Employers find that psychology graduates possess strong people skills. And psychology majors also value these skills themselves. "Once you learn the principles of human behavior," says a banker with a bachelor's degree in psychology, "they're always at the top of the mind,' ready to be used. You don't have to stumble across them by accident." 2 : What Psychologists Do and Where They Do It Psychology is an extraordinarily diverse field with hundreds of career paths. Some specialties, like caring for mentally ill people, are familiar to most of us. Others, like helping with the design of advanced computer systems or studying how we remember things, are less well known. What all psychologists have in common is a shared interest in mind and behavior, both human and animal. In their work, they draw on an ever-expanding body of scientific knowledge about how we think, act, and feel, and apply the information to their special areas of expertise. Among psychologists, researchers spend most of their time generating knowledge; practitioners apply the knowledge; and some psychologists do both. In addition to their particular mix of science and practice, psychologists can be distinguished in terms of where they work. Many psychologists work in more than one setting. For instance, college professors often consult for industry or see clients on a part-time basis. Although it's possible to identify a host of different work settings, for the purpose of this booklet, we'll consider some of the most prominent examples Getting Ready to Work in Psychology If you are interested in a career as a psychologist, you have to complete graduate school with a major in psychology. Take time to research your choices. The program should match your interests. For example, some psychology departments may specialize in a subfield of psychology that appeals to you. In addition, investigate the areas of expertise and research interests of individual faculty members if your career interest lies in a specific type of research. A graduate school's department of psychology is the best source of information about the nature of its program and its admission requirements. Throughout the application process, discuss your plans with your psychology faculty advisor. Apply to a number of programs that offer you a reasonable chance of acceptance. The American Psychological Association has many resources to help you. Contact the APA Education Directorate at 750 First Street, NE, Washington, DC 20002-4242. HIGH SCHOOL PREPARATION A strong academic high school education is a good beginning for a career in psychology. Courses in science, math, English, history, social studies, and a foreign language are important. Science and math are particularly important because they provide the necessary skills for research and analysis in college psychology courses. Some high schools offer a course in psychology, which can give you a taste of what the field is about. You can also find a volunteer job where psychologists work, or read about psychology in newspapers and magazines to explore the field. BACHELOR'S DEGREE Most four-year colleges and universities require a blend of research and liberal arts courses for a bachelor's degree in psychology. The courses usually include introductory psychology, experimental psychology, and statistics. Other required courses can be in learning, personality, abnormal psychology, social psychology, developmental psychology, physiological or comparative psychology, history and systems, and tests and measurement. Typically, you will be ready to take electives in psychology by the time you are a college junior. It is a good time to make graduate school plans so you can make wise choices about future courses and extracurricular activities during the last two years of college. Know, however, that as long as you've taken some electives in psychology, you don't always need to have a bachelor's in psychology to get into a graduate program in the field. The Value of the Undergraduate Degree Psychology majors, whether or not they have gone on to other careers, cite courses in the principles of human behavior as especially important to life after college. The additional insight gained from these courses into what motivates people to perform at their peak helps them, whether they are functioning as parents at home or managers on the job. Many bachelor's degree holders credit their college psychology courses with teaching them how people, including themselves, learn. "I use information on learning reinforcement every time I conduct a training session for my employees," says a manager in a consumer products company. Above all, it is the rigorous training in the scientific method—the need to do thorough, objective research, analyze data logically, and put forth the findings with clarity—that stands psychology majors in good stead as they pursue their future careers. 3 GRADUATE SCHOOL Most graduate departments require that you take a standard aptitude test, usually the Graduate Record Examination (GRE). Although programs vary in the weight they attach to test scores, successful applicants typically score well above 500 on both the verbal and quantitative portions of the GRE. Determine if your GRE scores will qualify you for consideration by the institution to which you would like to apply. Competition for spaces in graduate school is keen. Master's Degree Undergraduate course requirements for a terminal master's degree are relatively few: usually, a background in introductory or general psychology, experimental psychology with a laboratory course, and statistics. The university usually takes the undergraduate grade point average (GPA) into account, too. A recent survey of 26 psychology master's programs shows that the most commonly required courses once you are in the master's program are those with industrial/organizational content, statistics, and research design. Course work at the master's level often also includes study in ethics, assessment, program evaluation, and personality related topics as well. A master's degree in psychology, along with preparation in the natural sciences or mathematics, is increasingly valued by doctoral programs in psychology. Each doctoral program also decides which credits it will accept for transfer. Occasionally, students need to repeat some course work. A few institutions will not accept a master's degree from any school other than their own. Doctoral Degree Each school determines its own entrance requirements. Some doctoral programs require applicants to have a master's degree in psychology. For others, students can enter the doctoral programs with a bachelor's degree and work their way right through to a doctorate degree. Earning a doctoral degree typically requires at least four years and often takes up to seven years of study after the bachelor's degree. Early in the graduate program, you will probably take course work in the core areas of psychology. You will work with a professor to learn how to do research; you'll also study how psychological research is applied to life situations. Once you have completed all the course work, you must pass a comprehensive exam and write and defend a dissertation. If you want to be a clinical, counseling, or school psychologist, you will also have to complete a one year internship as part of your doctoral study in these areas of practice. You may wish to consider a doctoral program in a professional school rather than at a traditional university. Professional schools place greater emphasis on training students for professional practice and less emphasis on research. Some universities and professional schools offer a PsyD in lieu of the traditional doctoral degree. In choosing applicants, these programs may look for candidates who already have clinical experience or other work experience in applied psychology. Choosing an Accredited School If you want to be a clinical, counseling or school psychologist it's important to know the accreditation status of the programs to which you are applying. Programs that prepare students for careers in basic and applied research or for basic academic careers are not subject to an accreditation process, but are nonetheless some of the most rigorous schools in the country. There are two kinds of accreditation: institutional and specialized. Institutional accreditation certifies that an institution has met minimum standards of quality. It is granted by one of seven regional accrediting organizations recognized for this purpose by the U.S. Department of Education. Specialized accreditation only applies to professional programs; it means that the program meets the minimal standards of quality as defined by that profession for the practice of psychology. In the field of psychology, specialized accreditation is granted by the American Psychological Association. Historically, this accreditation has applied only to doctoral programs, predoctoral internships and in clinical, counseling, and school psychology. In some states you have to graduate from an APA-accredited program, predoctoral internship and to be licensed or certified as an independent clinical, counseling psychologist or school psychologist. In addition, some employers demand that candidates for clinical, counseling, and school psychology jobs hold such credentials. For more information about accredited schools and programs, contact the APA Education Directorate at 750 First Street, NE Washington, DC 20002-4242; e-mail: education@apa.org. If You Need Financial Aid You may be able to get financial aid to attend both undergraduate and graduate school. Assistance comes in different forms: 4 fellowships, scholarships, grants or subsidies, work study programs, federal loans, and teaching or research assistantships. Graduate assistantships and work study require part time work. Students seeking financial aid for a graduate degree should get advice as early as possible. Consult with both the psychology office and the office of financial aid on your own campus and also with the office of financial aid at the school to which you are applying. Students of ethnic minority background should also contact the APA Minority Fellowship Training Program. Licensure and Certification To practice as a clinical, counseling, or social psychologist independently and without supervision anywhere in the United States, you must be licensed or certified. Before granting you permission to take the exam, the state board in charge of licensing or certification will review your educational background. A doctoral degree does not automatically make you eligible; requirements vary from state to state. At a minimum, states require that the doctorate be in psychology or a field of study "primarily psychological in nature" and that it be from a regionally accredited institution. You also must have had at least two years of supervised professional experience. To work in some other areas of psychology, you may also need or wish to be credentialed by the state in which you work. For example, one-third of all industrial/organizational psychologists are licensed today because of state requirements, but few states require licenses of psychologists who conduct scientific research 第二期主题:实验心理学的演化,,The evolution of experimental psychology The range of methods taught now would have amazed an experimental psychologist of a century ago. Experimental psychology as taught in American universities has changed over the century from being attached to specific subject matters to being primarily methodological. Edward B. Titchener's four-volume "Experimental Psychology," published between 1901 and 1905, blocked out the limits of experimental psychology as a subject at the time. The acceptable included sensation, perception, emotion, memory, action and similar topics. Later on, conditioning and learning would be added to the "canon" by others. Titchener organized his book around fundamental methods, which lent themselves to specific subject matters. Titchener's book remained influential throughout the 1920s and into the 1930s, though it had competition from others. The term "experimental psychology," came to stand for those fields that were then most conducive to experimental research. When Titchener's book was finally eclipsed by Robert S. Woodworth's 1938 "Experimental Psychology," Woodworth's organization was primarily by subject matter with methodology being a somewhat secondary consideration. Woodworth's book became the "bible" of psychological researchers for decades. He popularized the concepts of independent and dependent variables in his book and lamented that developmental and abnormal psychology had not yet reached the level of genuine experimentation. His second edition of the book, published with Harold Schlosberg in 1954, continued the traditional listing of content topics as experimental psychology. S.S. Stevens's "Handbook of Experimental Psychology," published in 1951, was perhaps the last successful one-volume compendium of all content topics within traditional experimental psychology. In the late 1940s, social, abnormal and developmental psychology began to produce experiments that could meet Woodworth's standards. J.P. Guilford's "Psychometric Methods," published in 1936 and revised in 1954, demonstrated how psychophysics and psychometrics could be expanded into the measurement of any area of psychology. L.L. Thurstone's "Vectors of the Mind" published in 1935 had a similar influence. Kurt Lewin's research in social and developmental psychology deserves much credit for promoting an expectancy of experimental research in those fields, as does Eleanor Gibson's laboratory studies of child development. Still, the experimental psychologies published in the 1940s and 1950s--such as those by Benton Underwood and Charles E. Osgood--emphasized content over methodology in the organization of their books. By the 1960s, the way in which "experimental psychology" courses were taught began to change. By then the fields in psychology using the experimental method became too broad to teach in a one-semester content course. Experimental psychology became not a subject matter but a cluster of methods that could be used in any area of psychology. Other methods that were not truly experimental were also becoming more accepted in general psychology, such as correlational methods and questionnaires, and their use needed to be taught. At the same time, the simple two-group design that had been common earlier in the century was supplanted by more complicated factorial designs. 5 F.J. McGuigan's 1960 text, "Experimental Psychology: A Methodological Approach," was among the first to look at the subject in a completely methodological way. Many books following the methodological approach were published in the 1960s and afterwards. By the 1970s, most "experimental psychology" courses were taught methodologically without significant presupposition of a content area. Even the names of the books began to change along with the titles of the courses. "Research Methods" and similar titles supplanted the older "Experimental Psychology" in many departments. In some cases, the course became primarily a statistics and experimental design course, but in most, methodology remained the focus. As the century ends, an experimental methods course is among the few required courses in most psychology curricula and its range of methods would surprise experimental psychologists from the beginning of the century. 第三期主题:关于青少年期的理论,,Theories of Adolescence (First Part) As was mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, some theories of adolescence are primarily of historical interest and others are of current importance. For convenience, we have grouped the theories into those that take a biological, psychodynamic, social learning, cognitive-developmental, or historical perspective of development during the adolescent years. We do this for convenience of presentation, because these orientations span the most important perspectives on adolescent development. A word of caution is in order. At present there is no method for determining which of the orientations is the most informative or productive for our understanding of adolescent development. Indeed, this may be an unimportant or irrelevant question. By examining all the perspectives we can gain insight into the variety and multiplicity of factors that shape and mold both the adolescent and the nature of adolescence. Biological Theories Perhaps the earliest sign of impending entrance into adolescence is the biological change undergone by the child. The changes are relatively obvious to parents, the child, siblings, and others. And the physical changes carry with them expectations for changes in behavior, such as acting "more grown up." It is not surprising, then, that considerable theorizing has centered on the importance of biological changes for explaining aspects of ado1escent development. The beginning of the scientific study of adolescence was marked by the publication of G. Stanley Hall's pioneering work, a monumental two-volume text entitled Adolescence, in 1904. Hall's thinking about psychological development was significantly influenced by Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species (1859). From Darwin's writings, Hall formulated his notion of recapitulation, which stated that the experiential history of the species became part of the genetic structure of the individual organism, and thereby was passed on from generation to generation. Similarly, Hall believed that the development of the organism mirrored the development of the species; that is. Hall believed that the individual developed in a series of stages that corresponded to the stages passed through by mankind in its development. In other words, Hal1 believed that ontogeny (the development of the individual organism) recapitulates phylogeny (the development of the species). Although Hall paid lip service to cultural and situational determinants of behavior, his major thesis was that genetically determined physiological factors controlled and directed the development and growth of the organism. As the organism matured, its behavior changed inevitably in a pattern set down in its genetic material. This influence of maturation was assumed to occur in any kind of environmental or sociocultural context. Hall's belief, then, was that biological development exerted a direct influence on human behavior, an effect not tempered by environmental conditions such as the social structure, parental values, peer relations, or cultural interpretations of the biological changes. A1though a number of hypotheses based on Hall's theorizing have been disproved by current research evidence in genetics and developmental psychology, his thinking shaped and focused the study of adolescence for many years. Therefore, it will be instructive to review his theorizing in some detail in order to gain a historical perspective on the issues that are viewed, even today, as important in any discussion of adolescent development. Perhaps the most influential of Hall's concepts was his view of adolescence as a period of storm and stress (Sturm und Drang). In Hall's recapitulation theory, adolescence corresponds to the period when the human race was in a turbulent and transitional stage. Although even today there are those (for example, McCandless, 1970) who argue in favor of Hall's stress description, the evidence that adolescence is a period of storm and stress is not convincing. For example, IQ test reliability does not drop at 6 adolescence, there is no strong evidence for emotional instability during the adolescent period, and data on various socialization aspects of adolescence do not indicate that there are rapid changes in personality or social relations during the adolescent period. Rather, adolescence seems to represent a series of slowly evolving changes in a number of aspects of development. For some adolescents there may indeed be periods of storm and stress, as there may well be for select groups of individuals at any point in the life span. On the whole, however, storm and stress does not appear to be an apt or appropriate description of adolescent development. Why, then, does this notion persist? Although the answer is not simple, nor perhaps even entirely known, the following factors suggest why people continue to believe in the storm-and-stress view of adolescence. First, many parents view adolescence as a period of storm and stress because it is difficult for parents to let go of their adolescent children, to permit them to become independent. Hence, parents may become defensive in their reactions to, and views of, adolescence. Perhaps, as some have suggested, parents project the feelings of conflict and confusion they experience when their chi1dren become independent onto the adolescent, rather than themselves, and there fore view the adolescent as the one who "is going through a period of storm and stress." Second, the media does much to promote the storm-and-stress view of adolescence. Think of the number of television programs that deal with runaways, juvenile gangs, drug addicts, and teenage prostitutes. It is no wonder that many are tempted to generalize from these specific instances to the ado1escence population as a whole. Obviously, this is both unfair and unrealistic. What we are suggesting here,and it will be a theme that occurs in other places in the text,is that the view of adolescence as a period of storm and stress is a label put on adolescents by adults. Perhaps adults view adolescents as going through a period of storm and stress, but apparently the adolescent does not agree. It should be clear that one must be careful in interpreting adult views of adolescence, because they are written by adults and not adolescents. Were adolescents writing about themselves, perhaps views such as storm and stress would not appear. Coleman (1978) has helped clarify the storm-and-stress concept of adolescence by pointing out that the various stresses on the adolescent do not all occur at the same time. Hence, the adolescent deals with one or two stressful events, which lessens their stress, before dealing with other stresses. His focal theory, reminds us that adolescence occurs over a number of years. Because we tend to compress the time frame of adolescence when we think about or discuss it, we lose sight of the time frame. As we shall see in future chapters, the stresses of adolescence,adjusting to biological changes, learning about dating, making vocational choices,occur at different points in the time frame. Hence, adolescence is likely no more stressful than adulthood, or perhaps even childhood. A second aspect of Hall's theory that is important for understanding modern-day thinking about adolescence is that adolescence represents a time of rapid change in most, if not all, aspects of the young person's personality. Hall's notion was that the adult who emerged from adolescence was altogether different from the child who entered it. In other words, Hall believed that development from childhood through adolescence was relatively discontinuous. The evidence on this issue is somewhat more in Hall's favor. The physical changes in adolescence, for example, are quite different from the kind of physical development that characterizes childhood. Perhaps because physical growth is such a visible and obvious rapid change, it has been generalized to other spheres of adolescent development. There are also some changes that occur relatively rapidly in the social sphere. For example, cross-sex friendships decline throughout late childhood until about the age of 12, when the curve reflecting choices of cross-sex friends begins to rise again. Piaget has noted that adolescence also brings a change in intellectual development,from concrete to formal operational thinking. The change is not abrupt, but nevertheless clearly there. For most kinds of behavior, however, the changes that occur in adolescence are relatively gradual and continuous. Although current-day theorists would agree with this statement, the popular conception of adolescence is one in which rapid discontinuous changes are thought to be the norm. Perhaps these views persist because there is some tangible evidence for that kind of change, such as physical growth. Also, because it may be difficult for parents to deal with an adolescent who feels grownup and is demanding the rights of an adult, they may believe that their child changed "overnight," when in fact the change has been a relatively continuous one. Hall's concepts set the stage for the scientific study of adolescent development. Perhaps the most obvious issue he raised was the one of the relative importance of biological and cultural determinants in adolescent development. However, as we noted above, the issue of adolescence as a period of storm and stress, and of relatively rapid change, also emerged in Hall's writings. More current theories of the importance of biological factors for understanding adolescence are framed in the context of drive theory. 7 McCandless (1970) and Ausubel (1954) both discuss adolescence within a drive theory framework. In each case, the basic notion is that the drive level (motivation) of the person is increased at adolescence and that this increase accounts for the differences we see in childrens' and adolescents' behavior. McCandless believes that with the onset of pubescence there is an increase in the genera1 drive level of the organism because of an increase in sex drive. This increase in general drive level is important for several reasons. One function of drive is to energize or motivate the organism to behave. An increase in drive level, then, will produce a "supercharged" organism, which, within a general drive-theory framework, means the individual will exhibit responses at a higher magnitude than during childhood, when the drive level was lower. For example, children may strive to behave independently, but adolescents will do so more forcefully. Similarly, children have cross-sex friendships, but adolescents have such friendships at a more intense level. Part of the changes we see between childhood and adolescent behavior, then, is quantitative and not qualitative. Drive serves two other functions: directive and selective. For McCandless, the increase in sex drive and the corresponding increase in general drive level of the organism demand changes in behavior because of the new capacities for behavior that the adolescent experiences. The adolescent must learn to adjust to, and live with, the new drive, given parental and cultural sanctions about the (sex) drive, in order to avoid conflict and problems in development. The kinds of adaptations that the individual must make, then, depend upon the cultural context in which the adolescent is living. Hence, McCandless's notions include a very strong biological component (the new sex drive) as well as a very strong cultura1 component (cultural conditioning). McCandless then pays more than cursory attention to the social as well as biological facets of adolescent development. His views are an example of biological impacts on behavior as mediated by sociocultural situations and expectations. Ausubel, too, has noted that two kinds of change that occur in adolescence are critical for an understanding of adolescent development. First, there is biological change, particularly as represented by the new sex drive that the adolescent experiences. This new drive is considered to be the first since infancy that must be socialized. Second, there is psychosocial change. For Ausubel, this change means becoming independent. Adolescents must learn to function psychologically and socially on their own, apart from their former adult caretakers. In order to explicate the importance of these two changes, Ausubel discusses the impact of both psychobiological and psychosocial changes in development. Psychobiological aspects of development refer to those psychological factors that are consequences of biological change. For example, the psychological reactions to pubescence are extremely complex and include both societal perspectives and expectations and the adolescent's interpretation of physical and psycho1ogical changes. Psychobiological aspects are also relatively universal, since they occur in all cultures. However, cultural factors will determine to some degree the manner in which psychobiological aspects of adolescence emerge. Psychosocial change refers to the changes, personal and social, that are due to cultural factors. Psychosocial changes tend to be more specific in nature, for example, cultural differences in terms of pre- and post-adolescent sexual behavior. Hence, for Ausubel there are important biological changes that occur in adolescence, particularly the new sex drive. In addition, however, culturally determined psychosocial changes also occur, in part as a function of the biological changes. Although this appears on the surface to be no different from the notions espoused by the cultural anthropologists, Ausubel, unlike the cultural anthropologists, pays more than lip service to the biological and cultural determinants of development. For example, both are important in the expression (culturally based) of sexual behavior (due in part to the increased sex drive). Another example of the interaction of biological and sociocultural influences on development is independence strivings. The adolescent grows larger, more experienced, and more competent and knows it, and others must learn to adapt and react to these changes and the demands for independence the adolescent exerts, in part, because of these changes. The maturational theories discussed in this section all focus on and stress the important role that pubescent biological changes play in the psychological development of the adolescent. In fairness, we should point out that these theorists did not entirely ignore the role of environmental or cultural influences on behavior. They acknowledged such influences, but believed they played only a minor role in the adolescent's development. Certain historical trends in the study of adolescence originated with these maturational theorists. For example, the study of the relationships between physiological development, particularly physical growth and hormonal effects, and psychological behavior was strongly emphasized by them and is a major consideration in current studies of adolescence. Chapter 3 deals exclusively with the biological changes that occur in adolescence and the relationship of these changes to behavior. There we shall explore the 8 available evidence linking biology to adolescent behavior. As we do so we shall turn back again to the biological theorists in order to explicate further the theoretical importance of these physiological changes. : Psychodynamic Theories The psychodynamic view of adolescence, or any other period of development, rests on several fundamental principles (Ade1son & Doehrman, 1980). First, psychodynamic theories are historical in nature. That is, from this perspective we can understand the adolescent's current behavior only through reference to his or her past experiences and personal history. By knowing something of the adolescent's developmental history (for example, how he or she was reared), we can gain a better understanding of current behavior, such as vocational choice. Second, psychodynamic theories are steeped in instinct theory. During adolescence, this emphasis has been translated into a focus on drives, such as the sex drive, that are viewed as increasing in strength. In this context, the emphasis has been on the study of defenses against the increases in drives. This perspective of adolescent development is well illustrated in the writings of Anna Freud (1948, 1958). Anna Freud, the daughter of Sigmund Freud, attempted to spell out some of the dynamics of the psychoanalytic point of view (A. Freud, 1948) of adolescent development. Her view is that the behavior of adolescents is due to a sudden upsurge of sexuality which, in turn, is due to the biological changes that occur during pubescence. Hence, maturational factors (biological change) directly influence psychologica1 functioning. The increase in sexuality brings about a recurrence of the Oedipal situation, which once again must be resolved. However, this time the resolution is through attraction to opposite-sex peers. Because of the increase in sexuality, the adolescent is viewed as being in a state of stress not very different from the stress created by the original Oedipal situation. This stress produces anxiety, which, in turn, leads to the development of defense mechanisms. Defense mechanisms, which protect the individual from experiencing the anxiety associated with a stressful situation, also restore psychological equilibrium to the individual. Hence, defense mechanisms can be a useful and adaptive means of coping with stress. Examples of defense mechanisms include repression (keeping anxiety producing impulses from consciousness), denial (insisting that some aspect of psychological reality does not exist), withdrawal (flight,mental or physica1,from unpleasant situations), and regression (reverting to behaviors characteristic of an earlier stage of development). According to Anna Freud, the most important defense mechanisms for understanding adolescent behavior are asceticism and intellectualism. The former refers to attempts to deny completely the existence of instinctual drives, such as the sex drive, in order not to give in to them. Carried to extremes this may include the eating, sleeping, and other basic drives related to physical needs. Intellectualism refers to an abstract, impersonal evaluation of important issues in a manner implying they are not conflicts for the individual. Hence, discussions of free love, the existence of God, and the like, may represent the adolescent's way of dealing with deep-seated personal conflicts. Given the adolescent's increased cognitive abilities, intellectualization probably represents, in part, a practicing of formal operational thinking. Although we will not go into a detailed discussion of defense mechanisms, perhaps a simple example will help illustrate how they work. One defense mechanism associated with an increase or upsurge in sexuality is to avoid contact with opposite-sex individuals. Of course, this is a maladaptive form of behavior because it cuts off meaningful social re1ationships. (The above example also illustrates that much of psychoanalytic theorizing about adolescent development is based on studies of maladaptive behavior.) An alternative to denial is to develop appropriate relations with opposite-sex peers, a hoped-for development in adolescence. Clearly, psychoanalytic theorists, and especially Anna Freud, believe that the kind of defense the individual uses, that is, the way the individual relieves the anxiety produced by stress, relates to the kind of psychological behaviors that the individual will demonstrate. More contemporary psychodynamic views of adolescence take the perspective that adolescence occurs in a series of stages (Adelson & Doehrman, 1980). Each stage is presumed to have its own major emphasis and relation to psychodynamic processes. Blos(1962, 1967, 1972, 1974), for example, divides adolescence into the latency, early adolescent, adolescent, late adolescent, and postadolescent stages. Each stage has a unique major emphasis. During the latency phase, sexual inhibition is prevalent as the ego and superego control the instincts. This phase ends with puberty and the concomitant increase in the sex drive. It is in this phase that defenses against the instincts come to the fore. In early adolescence there is an emphasis on same sex friendships and the peer group. There is an adoption of values that oppose 9 those of the parents. Because parental values are no longer seen as absolutely correct and right, the superego and ego are weakened and, in extreme cases, delinquency behaviors may emerge. During adolescence, heterosexual love relationships emerge, and there is an increased interest in the self. The major focus of late adolescence is the "Who am I?" question. Self-esteem becomes stable, and a firm sexrole identity is established. Basically, this is a result of the consolidation and expression of the ego. The end resu1t is the emergence of a firm personality in the young adulthood years. Finally, postadolescence involves completing the goals set for the self, including entrance into the adulthood roles of marriage and parenthood. Each sex further develops the sexrole image, including that of being a mother or father. During this time the ego becomes stabilized, and instinctual conflicts are diminished. Another attempt to modify S. Freud's conceptualizations to fit the nature of adolescent development may be found in Erikson's writings. In his bestknown work, Childhood and Society (1963), Erikson modified and elaborated the Fruedian theory of psychosexual development in an attempt to apply those concepts to development during the adolescent years. His expansion of Freudian theory shifted the emphasis of psychoanalytic theories of adolescent development from the sexual nature of the stages of development to a type of psychosocial developmental pattern. The core concept Erikson uses to discuss adolescent development is the acquisition of ego identity, the person's sense of who and what he is, his evaluation of self. Since cultures determine to some degree how ego identity will be established, Erikson's psychoanalytic theory pays much more attention to cultural determinants of behavior than did the original Freudian theory. Erikson views development as occurring within a series of psychosocial stages that are in part biologically determined (Table 2 l). In other words, Erikson has not completely abandoned Freudian theory, but has significantly expanded upon it. His epigenetic principle is simply that anything that grows must grow according to a preset genetic plan. Hence, for Erikson, the development of the human organism is partially genetically determined. However, the individual's culture will influence the ways in which the genetically determined aspects of development will emerge in his thinking, within the series of psychosocial crises. For adolescents, the particular crisis that is important is that of identity versus identity confusion, the "Who am I?" question. Erikson, like other theorists (for example, Lewin, 1935, 1939), views adolescence as a marginal time of self-identity. The adolescent is seen as being in a poorly defined role, neither child nor adult. In other words, the social role of adolescence is not well defined and, hence, the adolescent is a marginal person, neither child nor adult. This lack of specificity in role definition leads to a disruption of self concept and identity, leading to the crisis identified by Erikson. As with all of Erikson's crises, the crisis is always present and is never completely resolved, but its most pure form occurs in the adolescent years. Continual redefinition of the ego or the identity occurs throughout the life span. However, assuming that the identity versus identity confusion crisis is resolved with reasonable success during adolescence, then the individual will move into the adult stages of development and their corresponding crises with a firm identity. If the individual does not solve the adolescent ego-identity crisis successfully, there will be maldevelopment of the ego. As a result, resolution of the crises of adulthood will be more difficult and perhaps less successful. Like Freud, then, Erikson includes both a continually evolving personality and the concept of maldevelopment in his theory. For Erikson, both cultural and social factors play important roles in dealing with psychosocial conflicts; for example, in times of rapid social change, resolving conflicts will be much more difficult than in times when there is relatively little change. If the adolescent is not capable of forming a coherent and acceptable identity, self-doubt, role diffusion, and indulgence in self-destructive activities may result. In turn, these poor images of the self may relate to maldevelopment such as juvenile delinquency and personality aberrations. As you can see, then, Erikson equally stresses biogenetic and social cultural factors in adolescent development. Erikson believes that both physiological and cultural factors exert important influences on the unfolding of the various stages of development. Both must be understood in order to accurately describe adolescent development. Marcia (1966, 1967, 1980) has refined Erikson's conceptualizations of adolescent identity formation. Marcia views identity as a continually changing organization of one's own attitudes, values, beliefs, and the like. A well developed identity gives one a sense of one's strengths and uniqueness. A less well developed identity results in one's not being able to define strengths and weaknesses, and not having a well articulated sense of self. It’s during adolescence that the cognitive competence is achieved to evaluate and integrate in a meaningful manner the physical and social changes that have occurred. Such an integration sets the stage for continual changes in the content of identity through the adulthood years, for identity structures are dynamic, not static. For Marcia, identity formation involves the adoption of a sexual orientation, a set of values and ideals, and a vocational direction. 10 By examining commitment to occupation and ideology and the presence or absence of a decision-making period, that is, a crisis, Marcia has identified four identity statuses: identity achievement, foreclosure, identity diffusion, moratorium. Identity achievers have experienced a period of decision making and are now committed to an occupation and to a set of ideological values, all of which are primarily self chosen. That is, the person has worked through his or her concerns in these areas and has made certain choices. These people have strength in their convictions and are adaptive and well adjusted. Foreclosures are also committed to a vocation and an ideological stance, but at least in part their choices have been made by others and not self-chosen. For example, parents who push their children into entering a vocation they themselves may have desired run the risk of rearing offspring who will have a foreclosed identity status, resulting perhaps in the child being rigid, dogmatic, and conforming. Identity diffusions evidence no commitment to an occupation or ideological stance, although they may have experienced a decision-making period. They may appear to be carefree, charming people, or they may appear psychopathic. Moratoriums are those who are in a crisis about occupational or ideological decisions. They are wrestling with the decisions that lead to a commitment in one or both of these areas. In these psychodynamic views of adolescence, we see an emphasis on aspects of personality development in general, and identity issues in particular. By examining the nature of personality development during adolescence, these theorists attempt to explain adolescent behavior as resulting from child rearing and a developmental history of interacting with the larger social order. They all, to a degree, view adolescence as a period of adjustment, or perhaps maladjustment, leading the individual into adulthood. The quality of coping during the adolescent years determines to a significant extent how well the person will adapt to adulthood roles and responsibilities. 第四期主题:预测自杀的8个因素,,Eight factors found critical in assessing suicide risk Researchers identify eight critical risk factors for suicide in patients with major depression, in a study published in the December issue of Professional Psychology: Research and Practice (Vol. 30, No. 6, p. 576-580). In a survey sent randomly to 500 practicing psychologists, the researchers presented participants with 48 risk factors derived from previous studies involving suicide and depression. Based on their clinical experience, the practitioners rated each factor on a nine-point Likert-type scale with 1 being "unimportant" and 9 being "critical." They considered the following factors most important: The medical seriousness of previous attempts. History of suicide attempts. Acute suicidal ideation. Severe hopelessness. Attraction to death. Family history of suicide. Acute overuse of alcohol. Loss/separations. The other 40 factors received ratings of "moderate risk." Suicide is among the most common clinical emergency psychologists deal with, according to the authors, Nico Peruzzi, PhD, of MyPsych.com, a division of Hemisphere Healthcare, and Bruce Bongar, PhD, of the Pacific Graduate School of Psychology and Stanford University School of Medicine. Recent studies indicate that the average practicing psychologist may treat up to five suicidal patients per month, and as many as one-third of those psychologists have lost a patient to suicide. Recognizing risk factors for suicide is the first step toward prevention. "Psychologists should be aware of empirically supported risk factors and incorporate those risk factors into assessments they feel comfortable with, and that work in treatment," says Peruzzi. "They should also keep in mind that suicide risk assessment is not static, and a treatment plan should be updated with the most current information available." --L. MATTAS-CURRY 11 : 第五期:关于青少年期的理论,,Theories of Adolescence (Second Part) Cognitive-Developmental Theories Several times above we noted that the adolescent was viewed as evaluating some event, making some decisions, or evaluating some experience. Of course, such terms connote thinking and point to the potential importance of cognitive components in the description of adolescent development. Although there is no cognitive-developmental theorist who has focused relatively exclusively on the adolescent years, the writings of several are highly pertinent to our obtaining a well-rounded picture of development during the adolescent years. Jean Piaget developed a theory of cognitive development that is fast becoming the most popular and perhaps most productive developmental theory in use today. Piaget (for example, 1952) proposed that intelligence develops in stages and reflects the emergence of biological predispositions as well as cultural influences. Because we detail Piaget's theory in depth in Chapter 4, we shall give just a brief description of it here. Piaget argues that from infancy through adulthood all humans function cognitively in the same fashion. In other words, the way in which intelligence works is age-invariant. However, Piaget argues that there are stages of cognitive development that reflect qualitative differences in the structure of an individual's intelligence from infancy through adulthood. Structures, which are reflected in the individual's behavior, determine intellectual competencies. Since structures change with age and with social interaction, competencies change, too. At adolescence the highest level of cognition, formal operational thinking, is reached. Piaget assumes that all humans are born with a predisposition for a specific form of cognitive development. However, interactions with the environment, including the social environment of peers and adults, foster cognitive abilities and competencies. Culture determines, in part, the content of intelligence. Hence, Piaget includes both genetic and cultural components in intellectual development. Although, in reality, he views intelligence as progressing continuously from a less to a more complex nature, Piaget prefers to speak of stages of development in order to highlight what he feels are important changes through which intelligence develops. The various stages of intelligence are labeled sensory-motor (from birth to about 2 years of age), preoperational (from 2 to approximately 7 years of age), concrete operational (from 7 to approximately 11 years of age), and formal operational (abstract thinking), which represents the epitome of intellectual development. Although these age norms are only rough indicators of intellectual development, one may see that early adolescence is characterized by concrete operational thinking, whereas later adolescence is characterized by formal operational thinking. In other words, the adolescent years span a change in cognitive development which, as we shall see when we discuss the theorizing of Lawrence Kohlberg, relates to the way in which the individual perceives the external world. Given the intellectual changes that occur during the adolescent stage of development, it is perhaps important to note that formal operational thinking is thinking in the abstract. Therefore, as adolescents become capable of formal operational thinking, their cognitive abilities as well as their views about the external world change. In addition, adolescents are capable of not only asking, but also of coming up with some answers to such abstract questions as "Who am I?". As we have already discussed, and as we shall detail throughout the text, this is an extremely important issue in adolescent development. Hence, it appears that Piaget's notions about cognitive development, which are based on a biological predisposition interacting with cultural demands, relate to certain aspects of adolescent behavior. To give you some idea of how changes in intellectual development might relate to adolescent views toward the social environment, we shall discuss the research and theorizing of Lawrence Kohlberg. Again, we shall do this only briefly at this point since we shall deal with moral development in detail in a later chapter. Kohlberg (1969) has taken Piaget's theory of intellectual development and built around it a theory of moral development which assumes that moral thinking changes in conjunction with changes in cognitive competencies. Like Piaget, Kohlberg is a stage theorist; he believes that the stages of moral development are universal in that they should appear in the same sequence in all cultures. Since cognition progresses through a sequence of stages, moral thinking must, too. Hence, moral development, like cognitive development, has a maturational underpinning that is indirectly biogenetically based by its ties to cognition. For Kohlberg, however, the age at which a particular stage of moral development will appear depends largely on cultural 12 determinants. In other words, Kohlberg believes that intelligence, as defined by Piaget, acts as a backdrop upon which social behaviors are judged and evaluated. Through this process of judgment and evaluation, the individual is presumed to evolve views of the social order that progress through a series of stages relating to moral development. During the adolescent years, the individual is assumed to develop to the level of moral thinking that is dominant within the society. For now, it is sufficient to note that understanding of the social order may change developmentally and may achieve adult levels during the adolescent years. In part this is achieved through role taking (Selman, 1976), which is promoted by peer interaction. Role taking helps the adolescent become capable of taking another's perspective. During adolescence, then, cognitive competence reaches a peak, and this relates to moral thinking (Marcia's commitment to an ideology) and social perspective taking (developing views of the social order). By examining the relationships between cognitive development and other behaviors, then, we can gain some insight into adolescent peer relations, personality development, and idealism in viewing sociopolitical systems. Indeed, it may well be that the changes in cognitive competence during adolescence are the keystones to understanding much of adolescent behavior. Social Learning Theories In the cognitive-developmental theoretical views we see an emphasis on the relation between individual development and the social context. As many researchers have noted, adolescence takes place within the confines of a society, a social structure. The nature of this social structure defines what is expected of adolescents and what is allowable behavior. Moreover, it is the social structure that defines the tasks of adolescence (Havighurst, 1951, 1972). In other words, the society in which the adolescent grows up apparently has a very significant impact on the adolescent. This point was brought home most directly and forcefully first by cultural anthropologists who have studied adolescents and, more recently, by social learning theorists, who espouse the importance of setting conditions, reinforcers, and contexts in the study of development. The writings of the cultural anthropologists largely challenge the writings of Hall, Freud, and others who theorized that there was a strong bio1ogical basis to adolescent development. The major contribution of cultural anthropology vis-a-vis adolescence was in demonstrating that the developmental patterns found in Western cultures were not necessarily found in all cultures. This focus is particularly true in the early writings of cultural anthropologists, which viewed social factors as the primary determinants of behavior. More recent writings show greater recognition of the importance of physical and genetic factors in development. Nevertheless, cultural anthropologists generally discuss the importance of physiological change within different cultures. It appears that for cultural anthropologists the role of physiological change is one that is culturally determined and is still not important in its own right. Therefore, even though cultural anthropologists do acknowledge physiological change, the role of this change is still assumed to be critically determined by the cultural context in which the change occurs. Culture, then, is the overriding factor in development. Social-learning theorists, too, emphasize the role of the culture and the environment in explaining development. In addition, they also play down the importance of biological determinants of behavior. Social-learning theorists believe that people form their thoughts, feelings, and actions from observing and imitating what they perceive to be the thoughts, feelings, and actions of others. The two most influential cultural anthropologists who have written about adolescent development are Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa (1950) and Growing Up in New Guinea (1953) are two field studies of the effects of culture on adolescent development. Although she does not present a formal theory of adolescent development, Mead believes that culture has a considerable impact on the behavior of the adolescent. The major point of Mead's writings is that in order to understand the development and unfolding of human behavior, one must look seriously at the role of cultural institutions in the formation of behavior. This sort of research, conducted in cultures with religious, economic, and social institutions quite different from ours, led to the notions of cultural determinism and cultural relativism; that is, different cultures produce different kinds of personalities. Ruth Benedict (1938) has a more articulate and formal theory of adolescent development. She spells out several ways in which cultures affect the unfolding of human behavior. Benedict argues that the impact of culture on development is mediated by differences or similarities that exist between the roles of childhood and adulthood in different cultures. In some cultures, the roles played by children and adults are not very different. However, in others, such as ours, there are large role differences. Benedict's point is that cultures vary both in the degree of continuity in child-adult roles and in the nature of the transition from childhood to adulthood. If the transition from childhood to adulthood behaviors occurs in a socially and legally defined discontinuous manner, 13 then the developmental patterns underlying transitions from childhood to adulthood will differ from those found in cultures in which the transitions from childhood to adulthood are relatively continuous. Benedict notes that in Western cultures there are a number of discontinuities in allowable child and adult behaviors. Hence, children must learn new behaviors and must unlearn childhood behaviors in order to become adults. In other cultures, for example, Mead's Samoan culture, the roles played by children and adults are not very different; hence, the child need not unlearn childhood behaviors and learn adulthood behaviors in the transition from childhood to adulthood. According to Benedict, the transitions in developmental roles are particularly difficult during adolescence. When the differences in cultural expectations for adult and childhood behaviors are broad-ranging, the adolescent may experience conflict because of the redefinition and confusion of essential roles and behaviors. Benedict's major thesis is that discontinuity in childhood and adulthood roles produces emotional strain which, in turn, produces conflict within the adolescent. On the other hand, cultural conditioning that is continuous will produce a smooth and gradual growth from childhood to adulthood with relatively little conflict. There are a number of examples that will help make Benedict's point clear. In our culture, children,and to a large extent adolescents,are not expected to work, to contribute to the welfare of the community. In other cultures, however, children are expected to contribute to the development of the community with "worklike" behavior. The role of sexuality in childhood, adolescence, and adulthood is also very different in Westernized cultures than it is in many others. In the United States, for example, the traditional view is that one must wait until marriage to learn and engage in sexual behavior, whereas in other cultures, children as well as adolescents are allowed to engage in sexual behaviors and, indeed, may be encouraged to do so. Cultural conditioning, then, determines the form of transition during adolescence and the degree to which it will be difficult. Modern-day attempts to explain cultural-environmental influences on adolescent development stem from social-learning theory. Social-learning theorists attempt to provide a theoretical description of social development based on concepts from stimulus-response (S-R) learning theory and theories of imitation and modeling. Cultural factors are assumed to shape the social development of the organism by directly reinforcing desired behaviors and by providing models of socially appropriate behaviors. Through these two mechanisms people learn culturally acceptable behaviors. Although there are several varieties of social-learning theories, such as Gewirtz's (1969) S-R theory and Bandura's (1969b) imitative-learning theory, they all share a basic learning-theory orientation. The modeling aspects of social-learning theory set it apart from other theories that focus on cultural determinants of behavior. Although Mead and Benedict stress the reinforcing (S-R) consequences of social agents in shaping the behavior of the developing individual, social-learning theory goes beyond simple S-R learning principles and introduces modeling and imitation concepts. The cultural anthropologists and the social-learning theorists, then, share the same intent: to describe the environmental (cultural) factors that mold development. Albert Bandura's theory will serve as our example because it is well detailed and representative of the various social-learning theories. Bandura outlined the basis for social-learning theory in several works (1969a, 1969b, 1973) and, in conjunction with Richard Walters (1959, 1963), discussed social-learning theory as it relates to problems of adolescent development. In order to understand the implications of social-learning theory for adolescent development, it will be necessary to discuss several of its major aspects. According to Bandura, observation of a model may have any of several effects on the observer. One is to teach the observer an entirely new response, which Bandura calls a modeling effect. For example, a child may learn a new aggressive response by observing a model such as a boxer. A second function of observing a model is called an inhibition-disinhibition effect. The observer perceives the consequences of a model's behavior. If the behavior is negatively reinforced, it inhibits the observer from performing the same behavior. If the behavior is positively reinforced, it disinhibits. An example of an inhibiting effect is not being aggressive when a sibling has been punished for fighting. Finally, the observation of a model may have a response-facilitation effect. The response of the model acts as a cue to the observer to demonstrate a similar behavior already in his repertoire. For example, watching boxing may cause a child to become temporarily aggressive and very active. Of course, these processes apply to all types of learning, including problem solving and thinking behaviors, not just to the physical behaviors illustrated in our examples. In conjunction with S-R learning, Bandura assumes that the effects of observing a model can account for the learning of nearly all social behavior. How does he explain the psychological mechanisms of observational learning? According to Bandura (1969a), the observed modeled stimulus is coded into a representational mediator that is retrieved and reproduced when the 14 environmenta1 cues are appropriate for that particular response. In other words, observational learning and imitation involve a number of internal and external psychological processes, such as attending processes, memory and retention processes, and physica1 reproduction abilities and motivation. A modeled behavior will not be acquired or learned if it is not attended to and discriminated from other kinds of responses. Bandura also notes a number of subprocesses that relate to the effects of modeling on the observer. It should be clear from our description that social-learning theory is quite different from the theories discussed previously. Social-learning theory is basically nondevelopmental; that is, the same psychological processes are assumed to operate in infants, children, adolescents, and adults. Hence, social-learning theories tend to be quite distinct from stage theories, in which differing psychological processes are assumed to operate at different developmental levels. Within social-learning theory, behavior is assumed to be determined primarily by social and situational contexts rather than maturational principles, making the concept of stages of development meaningless. In addition, there is very little by way of biological presumptions regarding behavioral expressions. Since social-learning theory is nondevelopmental, one may ask what its contribution could possibly be to understanding adolescent development. This issue is discussed in an article by Bandura (1964) and in a monograph by Bandura and Walters (1959). Rather than assuming the unfolding of behavior in some predetermined developmental (maturational) pattern, social-learning theorists propose that adolescent development is due to cultural conditioning (much as the cultural anthropologists argue) and social expectations for certain kinds of behaviors. In discussing these notions, the social-learning theorists inevitably come back to an examination of the child's early learning experiences and the parents' child-rearing practices. In effect, social-learning theorists assume that adolescent behavior is simply the result of particular kinds of child rearing practices. The notion here is that very few adolescents will exhibit deviant kinds of behaviors; most will exhibit behaviors that are in relative harmony with the kinds of behaviors they were taught in childhood. This thinking simply reflects the notion of social-learning theorists that there is continuity in human growth patterns and learning processes and that at no particular age level should there be broad changes in behavior that might be due to what we would call maturational development. Deviant development that emerges during the adolescent stage of life, then, is seen as a failure of socialization processes that were begun earlier in childhood. Children who are taught to behave adversely in stressful situations, who are taught to exhibit deviant behavior, or who did not learn to deal adequately with reality will, according to the social-learning theory view, exhibit similar kinds of behaviors in adolescence. Our brief presentation of the social-learning view of adolescent development is intended to point out the role that the culture can play in adolescent deve1opment. The writings of the cultural anthropologists stress the importance of studying cultural factors such as religion and morality, the community, and the schools for a relatively complete perspective on adolescent development. Therefore, we have included chapters on these topics in the text. The social-learning theorists, too, have described the impact of environment on development, but at a more fine-grained level. They would have us explore cultural factors in depth in order to comprehend adolescent development. We shall have a number of occasions to draw on social-learning theory principles in the remainder of the text. 第六章主题:如何培养孩子的情绪智力,,How to Build Kids' Emotional Intelligence Every year about this time, after it gets cold but before the first snow, preschool teacher Sabrina North asks parents to send in children's snow clothes. For the next few weeks, she helps 3-year-olds learn how to put on snowsuits, mittens, boots, and hats. Again and again and again, she cheerfully deflects the whining and frustration until all the children can do it themselves. The practicing pays off once the snow comes, but for North, this isn't just about teaching independence. She's teaching emotional intelligence, or EQ. Huh? EQ refers to social and emotional skills, to a person's capacity for relationships and sensitivity to oneself and others. It's is a bit of a buzzword these days, but the concept of emotional intelligence has been around for decades; anyone who has been in therapy undoubtedly has been exposed to it, and many of us as parents promote it intuitively. That may not be enough, however. In our increasingly diverse, adversarial, and violent world, researchers, educators, and psychologists say emotional intelligence is a survival skill, not something that can be left to chance. Indeed, they argue that EQ is 15 more important than IQ, in fact that EQ promotes IQ, and that in the next millennium, people who are low on it will be miserable. So North starts with 3-year-olds just as they are beginning to see themselves as part of a larger community. ``I help them make the connection that persistence leads to competence,'' she says. ``I tell them, `See what practice did! You can do things for yourself! Doesn't that make you feel good?' '' Therein lies the nub. ``Feeling good about yourself is the basis for EQ,'' says North. ``It makes you feel empowered, and the more sure you are of yourself, the more you are capable of learning and of giving of yourself.'' North is head teacher at the University of Michigan Children's Center. Unlike IQ, there is no way to measure EQ except anecdotally. North, for instance, might tell parents, ``Joey is having a hard time playing in a cooperative way,'' and offer ways for them to promote cooperation, perhaps by doing a chore together and commenting, ``This job was so much more fun doing it together!'' EQ is often confused with temperament, but temperament is the style of behavior we are born with, while EQ is a learned response. Early childhood education consultant Diane Warner of Hartford explains the difference: ``Temperamental characteristics give you a picture of how a child approaches things slow to warm up or social, intense or laid back but EQ helps you work with those traits so you can better cope with yourself and with the world.'' For instance, an impulsive child with high EQ is better able to restrain himself than that same child with low EQ; a shy child with high EQ learns to initiate small social forays. LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS The foundation for EQ starts at birth, says child psychiatrist Stanley Greenspan, professor at George Washington University Medical School: --Newborns. ``When his eyes track you, you know he's engaged,'' says Greenspan. That you tune in to him and he tunes in to you gives him a secure base to build on. --Two to 6 months. Tickles, grins, and other pleasurable interactions woo a baby into feeling trust and intimacy. --Four to 10 months. Two-way communication through simple imitative games (you wave, she waves, you wave back) are how they learn emotional signaling: ``I can make Daddy wave!'' This is the basis for intellectual skills such as cause and effect and for beginning to read people's social signals, Greenspan says. His newest book is ``Building Healthy Minds'' (Perseus). --Ten to 18 months. As interactions get purposeful he takes your hand to walk you to the refrigerator to show he wants juice a sense of self begins to emerge. The more we point it out, the better: ``You wanted juice and you figured out how to tell me! You're a person who knows how to get what you need.'' --Eighteen to 30 months. Toddlers act out emotions in play. When you label feelings for her, she can connect them to her own behavior: ``That doll is so happy you're hugging her!'' --Three years plus. Children are better able to make the link between feelings and ideas when concepts are embedded in an emotional context, says Greenspan. Instead of, ``Show me the red car,'' try, ``Which color car do you like better, red or blue? I like red; it's the color of my favorite dress.'' The point of all this is for a child's sense of who she is to include emotional awareness alongside her growing sense of physical and intellectual competence. ``It's far more important than we realize,'' he says. That's because emotions can help the learning process or get in its way, says Warner, who presented a seminar on EQ recently at the annual convention of the National Association for the Education of Young Children. Consider the child who is bullied at recess. ``Once back in class, he may be too angry or upset to focus. He withdraws or acts out, but either way, the afternoon lesson is lost on him,'' she says. If somehow his feelings are acknowledged, however, he's more likely to reengage. Of all the skills necessary for EQ, the ability to delay gratification may be most important, according to Warner. She cites the Marshmallow Study, in which an examiner puts two marshmallows on a table and tells a 4-year-old she has a choice: She can eat one now or eat both in a few minutes, after the tester returns from a quick errand. Then the child is left alone. A third of the children grabbed the marshmallow and ate it. The rest used all kinds of distractions to resist temptation, from covering their eyes to singing. In follow-up studies with the same children through high school, there was a distinct difference between them. The marshmallow grabbers had developed into teens who were indecisive, often frustrated, and lacked resilience. The children who 16 had been able to delay gratification coped well with frustration and were self-reliant and resilient. Even more striking were SAT scores: The grabbers' average scores were 100 points lower on verbal and math. ``Are there implications for learning?'' asks Warner. ``You bet. Because EQ skills are not innate. They can be taught.'' FOSTERING EQ SKILLS Educational psychologist Anabel Jensen, an associate professor at the College of Notre Dame and president of 6Seconds, a nonprofit that fosters emotional intelligence, singles out three other EQ skills of prime importance: --Impulse control. ``Tell even a baby that her needs will be met, but not necessarily instantly: `I'm getting you juice, but first I have to go to the bathroom.' '' With school-age children, purposefully practice delaying gratification: ``Have you noticed how impulsive we all are? Let's see if we can learn something about ourselves: Our family rule is that we can only have soda on Friday. I'm putting soda in the fridge on Monday. Let's see if we can resist temptation.'' --Optimism. Jensen tells children that a pessimist sees a failure as permanent and pervasive and sees himself as powerless; an optimist sees it as temporary and isolated and asks herself, ``What can I do about this?'' When her 16-year-old niece failed a Spanish test and concluded, with typical teenage hyperbole, that she was a failure in life, Jensen asked her, ``Have you had other bad grades in Spanish? No? Then it's temporary. Are you failing anything else? No? Then it's isolated. How much did you study? Ten minutes? Then you're not powerless!'' --Empathy. Even though children under 7 typically can't take another person's perspective, Jensen suggests talking as if they can. Eventually, the messages will get through: ``How would you feel if you were playing with a toy and someone grabbed it?'' By kindergarten, Jensen says you can have conversations with a child to make her emotionally self-aware; for instance, ``What do you notice about yourself in a group? Are you someone who jumps right in or likes to watch for a while?'' Then help her use that understanding to make conscious decisions about how to behave: ``Wouldn't it be an interesting experiment to go to this birthday party and try acting in a different way, just to see what it would be like?'' She says people who are coached on emotional awareness in childhood grow up more aware of their strengths and weaknesses and make choices that are responsible and accountable. ``All in all, it doesn't just make for better people,'' she says. ``It makes for a better world.'' HOW PARENTS CAN HELP --Avoid saying such things as ``That doesn't really hurt,'' or, ``You have no right to be angry!'' A child is entitled to any emotion; what she isn't entitled to is behaving in a way that endangers herself or someone else. --Talking about our own feelings is a powerful role model. Use ``I'' statements when you can: ``I feel bad when you speak in a rude tone of voice.'' --Make expressing feelings easy and fun: Paste emotive faces from a magazine or draw simple ones on a cardboard circle happy, sad, angry, tearful. Attach them to individual popsicle sticks and encourage your children to use them. --Validate feelings whenever possible. Not only does that give a child words, it also helps him feel less alone. --Don't wait for a traumatic event to talk about feelings. --For information about 6seconds, write them at 316 Seville Way, San Mateo, CA 94402, or see the Web site, www.6seconds.org. --The Well Child Foundation of the First Years Institute, a nonprofit children's health foundation funded by Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Massachusetts, offers a free, 18-month course to children's health-care professionals on emotional intelligence. 17