增强党的团结,继承党的传统（We should strengthen party unity and inherit the party´s traditions）

增强党的团结,继承党的传统（We should strengthen party unity and inherit the party´s traditions） 增强党的团结,继承党的传统(We should strengthen party unity and inherit the party's traditions) Strengthen the unity of the party and follow the traditions of the party..txt if you love several people at the same time, you are young; if you love only one person, then you are old; if you do not love anyone, you have been reborn. A positive person must have a habit of persistence. We should strengthen party unity and inherit the party's traditions Release: 2010-7-27 13:30 | Author: sun to | source: Mao Zedong banner network | Click: 996 | reply: 0 We should strengthen party unity and inherit the party's traditions (August 30, 1956) * this is Comrade Mao Zedong's speech at the first meeting of the preparatory meeting of the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of china. There is a preparatory meeting for the Eighth National Congress today. The preparatory meeting will take more than ten days. The main things to be done are to prepare the documents for the Congress, two to conduct the preliminary election of the Central Committee, and three to prepare the speech of the general assembly. Now I'd like to make a few comments. First, on the purpose and purpose of the general assembly. This Congress to solve what problem, what purpose? In general, experience gained since the Seventh Congress, unite the whole Party and the unity of all the domestic and foreign forces that can be united, and strive to build a great socialist China. With regard to summing up experience, our experience is very rich, but we can not list a lot of things, but we should seize the key point, proceed from reality and sum up according to Marx's point of view. In this way, it will give us a push to make our work better than in the past. Our party is a great, glorious and correct party, which is recognized all over the world. In the past, some foreign comrades doubted what you were doing. Many people did not understand our policy towards the national bourgeoisie, nor did they know much about our rectification movement. Now I see more people, so to speak, I generally understand. Of course, there are some people who don't understand. At home, and even within the party, there are still some people who do not understand that the line since the seventh has not been so correct. However, the facts before it, we conducted two revolution: a bourgeois democratic revolution to seize state power; a proletarian socialist revolution, socialist transformation, the construction of socialist countries. In the eleven years since the Seventh Congress, our achievements have been great, and the whole nation has admitted that the whole world has admitted that even the foreign bourgeoisie has to admit it. The two revolutions proved that the Central Committee of the CPC was correct from the seventh to the present. The October revolution overthrew the bourgeoisie, which is a new thing in the world. To this revolution, the international bourgeoisie, no matter 37, twenty-one, scolds many, always cannot say well. The Russian bourgeoisie is a counter revolutionary class, at that time, this set of state capitalism he quit, he do damage to pick up the gun to play. The Russian proletariat had no alternative but to kill him. This angered the bourgeoisie, and they called names. We treat the national bourgeoisie more gently, and he will feel better and feel a little better. Now, Eisenhower and Dulles don't allow American journalists to come to China. In fact, they admit that our policy has this advantage. If we are here in a complete mess, they will let those people come, people write reviews. They are afraid of writing out the article, not specifically curse, but also to speak a little good things, that matter is not easy to handle. The past China said is "old China", "sick man of East Asia", backward economy, culture is backward, and don't speak hygiene, not playing, swimming is not good, the woman is a man of feet, the pigtail and Chinese moon eunuch, is not so good, the moon is always a bit, all in all a lot of bad things. But after six years of reform, we have changed the face of china. No one can deny our achievements. The core of our revolutionary cause is our party. Summing up the experience of this Congress, we must first make the whole party more united. Our party, by June, had ten million seven hundred and thirty thousand party members. These about ten million Party members should carry out extensive educational work, persuasion and solidarity, so that they can play a central role in the people. The party is not the only party, and the party is a core. It must have people. Our specific work, including industry, agriculture, commerce, culture, education and so on, is not done by ninety percent party members, but by non party members. Therefore, we must unite the masses and unite with all the people who can unite to work together. In the past, we still have many problems in uniting the whole Party and uniting people outside the party. We will conduct publicity and education at this Congress and after the Congress, so as to improve the work in this area. Internationally, we must unite all the forces that can unite in the world, first of all, to unite the Soviet union, Brother, brother party unity state and the people, but also the unity of all peace loving countries and peoples, draw on all the useful power. It is a good thing that this time there are representatives of the Communist Party of fifty countries participating in our congress. In the past, we did not achieve national power, no victory in two revolutions, no achievements in construction, but now it is different. Foreign comrades are more respectful to us. Our unity at home and abroad, and all forces that can be united, what is the purpose? It is to build a great socialist country. A nation like ours can and should use the word "great". Our party is a great party, our people are a great people, our revolution is a great revolution, and our cause of construction is a great cause of construction. Six hundred million of the population of the country, there is only one on earth, that is, we. There used to be a reason why people couldn't see us. Because you have no contribution, steel only a few hundred tons a year, but also in the hands of the japanese. Kuomintang Jiang Jieshi dictatorship twenty-two years, only tens of thousands of tons a year. We still don't have much, but have a little, this year is about four million tons, next year exceeded five million tons, the second five year plan to more than ten million tons, the third five year plan will be more than twenty million tons. We must strive to achieve this goal. Although the world nearly one hundred countries, but only a few more than twenty million tons of the country. So, our country construction, is a great socialist country, will completely change the situation over the past more than 100 years behind, is that people despise, that bad, and will catch up with the most powerful capitalist country in the world, is the United states. Only one hundred and seventy million of the population in the United States, China's population is several times more than it, rich in resources, climate conditions with it almost, catch up is possible. Should we catch up?. What are you doing six hundred million people? Sleeping? Sleep should do the work, or should be? If working should have a population of one hundred and seventy million people, thousands of tons of steel, six hundred million people you can not engage in it to 20000 tons, 300 million tons of steel? You can't catch it, you have no reason, you are not so glorious, too not so great. It was only one hundred and eighty years since the founding of the United States. Its steel was only four million tons sixty years ago, and we are sixty years behind it. If we had another fifty or sixty years, we should have driven through it. It's a duty. You have so many people, so you have a big place, so rich in resources, and that building a socialist country, is said to have the superiority of the results you get is not more than fifty or sixty years the United States, you like what? It should be from the earth from the ball of your membership! So, more than the United States that is not only possible, but absolutely necessary and should be completely. If this is not the case, then we Chinese people are sorry for all the peoples of the world, and our contribution to mankind is not great. Second, about the tradition of the party. This Congress should continue to carry forward the fine traditions of our party in terms of ideology and style of work. We should effectively reverse the two things, subjectivism and sectarianism, and also oppose bureaucratism. I don't talk about bureaucracy today, but only subjectivism and sectarianism. These two things have been swept and happened again and again. The so-called mistake is the subjective error, that thought is wrong. Many of the articles we have criticized for Stalin's mistakes have not mentioned the problem, or have rarely mentioned it. Why does Stalin make mistakes? On a part of the question, his subjectivity does not correspond with the objective reality. There are many such things in our work now and again. Subjectivism is not proceeding from objective reality, not from realistic possibility, but from subjective desire. What we set forth in the document of this Congress should be as close as possible to the reality of china. At the same time, in the light of our past experience, we should criticize those that do not conform to reality, criticize this subjectivism, and crack down on this subjectivism. We started the task a few years ago. Now, we are opposed to subjectivism in the socialist revolution and socialist construction. In the past, in the democratic revolution, we are for a long time and subjectivism, suffered punishment, almost lost clean according to the revolutionary forces lost more than ninety percent, until this time we began awakening. After the rectification movement in Yanan, the investigation and study were carried out, and the issue was only made clear from reality. The universal truth of Marx doctrine must be combined with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, and if it does not combine, then it will not. That is to say, theory and practice should be unified. Unification of theory and practice, Is one of the most basic principles of Marx doctrine. According to dialectical materialism, the thought must reflect the objective reality, and has been tested in the objective practice and proved to be the truth, which is the truth, otherwise it will not be counted. We have done well in our work over the past few years, but the problems of subjectivism are everywhere. Not only now, but also in the future. Subjectivism will always have, ten thousand years, ten thousand years, as long as the human beings are not destroyed, there are always. There are subjective, there are mistakes. There's another thing called sectarianism. A place has a global situation, a country has a country's overall situation, a planet has a global situation of the earth. Now the earth does not speak, because the traffic route has not yet opened. If Mars or Venus were found, then we would come back to the question of uniting them and building a United front. Now, we are talking about unity within the party, at home and around the world. Our principle is that no matter who you are, foreign party, foreign non party personage, as long as it is of some use to the cause of world peace and human progress, we should unite. First of all, we should unite dozens of Communist parties and unite the Soviet union. Because some mistakes have been made in the Soviet Union, much has been said in this respect. It seems to be blowing too much, and that kind of mistake is wrong. This observation is wrong. It is impossible for any nation to make no mistakes. Moreover, the Soviet Union is the first socialist country in the world, and it has been so long since no mistakes are possible. What was wrong with the Soviet Union, like Stalin's mistake, and where was it? It was partial, temporary. Although I hear that something has been going on for twenty years, it is always temporary and partial, and it can be corrected. The mainstream of the Soviet Union, that main aspect, the majority, is right. Russia produced the Lenin doctrine, and became the first socialist country after the October revolution. It built socialism, defeated fascism, and became a powerful industrial nation. It has many things we can learn. Of course, it is to learn advanced experience, not to learn backward experience. Our slogan has always been to learn the advanced experience of the Soviet Union. Who wants you to study backward experience? Some people, no matter 37, twenty-one, or even the Soviet Union, fart, and that is also subjectivism. The Soviets themselves say it stinks, so it must be analyzed. We said 37 for Stalin. Their main, large quantities of things are good and useful; some of them are wrong. We also have part of things that are not good. We should lose it ourselves, and let no other countries learn such bad things. However, bad things can be regarded as an experience as well as a great role. We have Chen Duxiu, Li Lisan, Wang Ming, Zhang Guotao, Kao and Jao these people, they are our teachers. Besides, we have other teachers. For the country, the best teacher is Jiang Jieshi. When we say "no", Jiang Jieshi teaches. What method does Jiang Jieshi teach? He teaches with machine guns, artillery and airplanes. And the teacher of imperialism, which taught our six hundred million people. For more than 100 years, several imperialist powers have oppressed us and educated us. Therefore, bad things have an educational function and can be used for reference. What is particularly worth fighting against sectarianism is the need to unite with those who have fought against it. He fought with you, put you down, you have suffered, shame, and you are not so bad, but a letter for you, "official" opportunist. As for playing right, it should be played. You are opportunistic. Why shouldn't you play? I am talking about playing wrong, and I am not fighting right. If those people change their attitude later, admit that you have hit the wrong number, and that you are the king of the opportunist kingdom is wrong, as long as you have this one. If someone else doesn't admit it, can he wait or wait?. Unity is to unite with their own differences of opinion, look down on their own, do not respect their own, and ourselves have been difficult, with their own struggle, and he has eaten in front of him that part of the loss. As for those who are of the same opinion, unity has already passed, and there will be no question of unity. The problem is that there is no unity. The so-called "not yet united" means those with different opinions or shortcomings. For example, our party now inside, there are many organizations joined the party and thought no party membership, although he did not fight with you, because he played, but the thought did not join the party, so it will not do well, some shortcomings, or do some bad things. For this part of the people, unite with them, educate them and help them. As I said before, for anyone who has faults, he who has made mistakes should not only depend on him, And to help him change, one to see, and the other to help. If you just look, stand there, see how you are, you do well, that's good, and you don't do well, it's your fault. This attitude is a negative attitude, not a positive attitude. Marx doctrine should take a positive attitude, not only to see, but also to help. Third, about the election of the central committee. Comrade Xiaoping said just now that the number of places for the Eighth Central Committee is one hundred and fifty to one hundred and seventy. The seven session of the Commission is seventy-seven, this with a little more than doubled, so I'm afraid better. Wait a few years, such as five years, at that time to expand again, I'm afraid it is more favorable. Nowadays, many useful personnel have been cultivated during the Anti Japanese war. This is called the "38 type" cadre. They're an important basis for what we're working on right now, without them. But this part of the number of cadres, if you want to arrange, this session of the committee the quota will be increased to hundreds of people. So I don't think about the arrangement this time. Whether the number of people from one hundred and fifty to one hundred and seventy in the Central Committee is appropriate or not is a good one, and comrades should consider it. To be sure, done good work, not to live up to the principal of the seven congress. In eleven years, their correct leadership Chinese the correct leadership of democratic revolution, socialist revolution and socialist construction, not a big problem, and with all sorts of things of opportunism struggle, struggle with what is wrong, to overcome various unfavorable factors, is not conducive to the construction of the revolution. They are successful, including some comrades who have made mistakes. This is about the whole of the central committee. As for individual comrades, we can not estimate that. In particular, Wang Ming, at the seven Congress, wrote a written statement in recognition of the central line correctly, acknowledging the seven political reports and was willing to submit to the General Assembly's decision. But after I talked to him, he turned over again, and he forgot that thing. He went back to think for second days and said, "I've written a thing, and I admit it was wrong.". I said, you admitted at that time, if you do not admit now, you can also withdraw. He doesn't pull back again. At the end of the second plenary session, we want him to talk about his own mistakes, but he talks about other things, just about how good we are, and how good. We say you can't talk about it. You tell me about Wang Ming. What's wrong with him? He doesn't do it. He promised to write his reflections after the second plenary session of the Central Committee of the cpc. But then he said, "he's ill, and he can't use his head.". Maybe he did it on purpose, that's hard to say. He has been ill, will not be able to attend this conference. Did he vote for him? And Comrade Li Lisan chose not? There are more people who understand Li Lisan, and there are fewer people who understand Wang ming. As Comrade Xiaoping said, if we elect them, the meaning will be the same as the seven congress elected them. At the seven Congress, many representatives were reluctant to choose them (not only Wang Ming, but also quite a few comrades). When we say, if adopt this policy, we would make a mistake. Why don't we vote for people who make mistakes, and why do they make mistakes? Because that's what they do. Their solution is that no matter what you make a mistake or make a false mistake, once you are declared opportunist, you don't have to. If we do the same, we will follow their course, or follow the Wang Ming line or establish the three line. Such things do not work, let us take Wang Ming line, set three lines, not dry. Their relations within the party are such a relationship. They have made mistakes or fought against them. They have called them opportunistic, and none of them want it. They put their letter to Bull J Vic in one hundred percent, first check, they are one hundred percent of the opportunism, and those of us they are called "opportunist", it is a bit of Marx doctrine. The basic reason here is that they are not isolated individuals, but rather a small part of the small bourgeoisie. China is a small bourgeoisie, a vast mass of countries. A large proportion of the small bourgeoisie were shaken. For example, the well-to-do middle peasants, who see, no matter which revolution, they are always wavering, not firm, happy, can go mad, pessimistic, can be dejected. What their eyes often see is their little property, nothing more than one or two cattle, a cart, a dozen acres. They worry about personal gains and losses, for fear of losing these things. They are different from the poor peasants. Chinese peasants accounted for fifty percent accounted for seventy percent in the north, in the south. Our party, take the composition, is basically composed of workers and peasants, the proletariat and the semi proletariat. The semi proletariat is also a petty bourgeoisie, but its steadfastness is much better than that of middle peasants. Our party has also absorbed some intellectuals, and among the about ten million Party members, about one million of them are intellectuals. The one million intellectuals that they represent imperialism is not good, represent the landlord class, the bureaucrat capitalist class, the national bourgeoisie is not good, return to the petty bourgeoisie is suitable for. What part of the petty bourgeoisie do they mainly represent, the part of the people who have more means of production in cities and rural areas, such as the well-to-do middle peasants?. This part of the intellectuals party, before the fear of dragon tiger behind, often shake, amount of subjectivism and sectarianism. We elected Wang Ming Li three route and route these two representatives is what? It is said that we treat those who have made the wrong people thought, with the treatment of counter revolutionaries and separatist (like Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, Gao Gang, Rao Shushi who has the distinction). Their subjectivism and sectarianism in broad daylight, drums, took out his own political program to conquer others. Wang Ming has a political platform, and Li Lisan has a political agenda. Of course, Chen Duxiu also has a political agenda, but he did Trotskyites, separatism, engage in activities against the party in. Zhang Guotao went through the conspiracy, split, and ran to the kuomintang. Therefore, the problems of Wang Ming and Li Lisan are not only their personal problems, but also the social causes of them. The reflection of this social cause in our party is that a considerable number of people in the party will be shaken at an important juncture. This vacillation is opportunism. The so-called opportunism, here it is good to do this, there is good to do that, there is no certain principle, no constitution, no definite direction, he is the same today, tomorrow is like that. For example, Wang Ming is the case, once the "left" can not, and the back right again. At the seven Congress, we talked to the comrades and elected Wang Ming and Li Lisan. Then, in the eleven years since the seventh century, we have lost nothing, without any loss, without the election of Wang Ming and Li Lisan, our revolution will not be victorious, or Chi Shengli will be a few months old. Is not their election, encouragement for people who have made mistakes? People who make mistakes when the Central Committee, that we all make mistakes, because when the Central Committee the opportunity, will never happen?. You see, seventy of our Central Committee members, they did not intentionally make several mistakes, so as to be a member of the central committee. Not when the Central Committee, before the "38 type" or "type 38" or "38" after you will learn, Wang Ming, Li Lisan, have two routes, four routes to become, for when the Central Committee? No, no one like this, but in view of their own mistakes, and more some caution. Also, there is the so-called "revolution early than late revolution, revolution is not a revolution, then, they will not occur within the party election, correct mistakes, small errors as well as large errors in this problem? Wang Ming and Li Lisan committed the wrong route, to choose them as members of the Central Committee, the results will be the right person or make mistakes people two vacant, let them on the stage. This arrangement is not the world's most unfair? From this point of view, it is very unfair. You see, right or make mistakes of the people to put the position to make big mistakes, it is obviously unfair, here not what justice. If so, we should admit that it is better to say what is right than what is wrong, and that what is small is not so great as to be wrong. But, from another point of view, that's not the case. Their line errors are well-known throughout the country and famous all over the world, and the reason for their election is that they are famous. What do you do? They are famous. Your reputation for not making mistakes and making small mistakes is not as great as they are. In our country of great size and bourgeoisie, they are flags. To vote for them, many would say, "the Communist Party is waiting for them, and would rather give up two places for them so that they can correct their mistakes.". It was another problem that they changed, and that was a small problem, just two of them. The problem is that there are so many petty bourgeoisie in our society. There are so many petty bourgeois wavering elements in our party, and there are many wavering among them. They should look at the example. When they saw that the two flags were still there, they were comfortable, and they slept, and they were happy. When you put these two flags down, they panic. Therefore, it is not the problem that Wang Ming and Li Lisan can not be changed, but they do not change or do not change. They have little to do with the relationship between the party and the millions of people who are easily shaken from the petty bourgeoisie, especially intellectuals, Look, what's our attitude towards Wang Ming and Li Lisan?. Just as we have treated the rich peasants in the agrarian reform, we are relieved of the desire of the rich peasants and the middle peasants. If we are still the same as the seven eight attitude on their two take the attitude that our party can get a benefit, get a benefit, is the transformation of the country the majority of the petty bourgeoisie easier. It has an impact all over the world. In foreign countries, the attitude towards our people who have made mistakes is very little, and we can say no. The preparatory meeting of our Congress is only ten days from today, but it is well arranged that we can do the preparatory work well. We believe that this conference can be opened well and that the delegates are able to ensure that the conference is well established. But we must work hard and make great efforts. (selected works of Mao Zedong. Volume fifth, people's publishing house, April 1977, first edition, pp. 293-304)