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Gee Journal 31.?1993 (Dec) by Kluwer Academic Publishers Ecotoufism in the Small Island Caribbean Weave~ David B., Prof. Dl:, UniversiO, of Regina, Luther College, Regina, Saskatchewan $4S OA2, Canada ABSTRACT: Ecotourism-related strategies can serve to enhance the tourism industries of small Caribbean islands, which are presently dominated by a 3S (sea, sand, sun) product. In the first place, the principles of Alternative Tourism can be applied to 3S tourism in order to minimize negative environmental impacts. Secondly, diversionary ecotourism opportunities can be promoted to diversify the tourism product, thus providing a nature-oriented alternative to resort-based tourists. Thirdly, regional ecotourism, catering to ecotourists, can be fostered in mountainous interiors, peripheral islands, undeveloped coastlines, rural agricultural areas and in offshore reefs. A fourth strategy, exemplified by Dominica, entails a comprehensive ecotourism approach for destinations in which 3S tourism is undesired or unsuited. Introdactien The concept of ecotourism has attracted a considerable amount of interest among both academics and non-academics since the term was first introduced in the mid-1980s (see for example Boo t990; Goriup 1991; Lindberg 1991; Nelson, Butler and Wall 1993; Whelan 1991; Ziffer 1989). In a frequently cited definition, Ceballos-Lascurain (1988) characterizes ecotourism as Tourism that involves travelling to relatively undisturbed or uncontaminated natural areas with the specific object of studying, admiring and enjoying the scenery and its wild plants and animals, as well as any existing cultural aspects (both past and present) found in these areas. While this definition is useful in stressing the environmental orientation of ecotourism, it is clear that the term has also come to be associated with a range o f characteristics which collectively define an "alternative tourism" (AT) paradigm (Dernoi 1981; Krippendorf 1987; Singh, Theuns and Go 1989). This paradigm has emerged as an alternative to "conventional mass tourism" (CMT), which has been criticized as an often inappropriate form of tourism, especially for smaller destinations. CMT characteristics, outlined and contrasted in Tab 1 with the AT model, tend to appear during the middle and later stages of a destination's cycle of evolution (Butler 1980; Christaller 1963; Stansfield 1978). With respect to accommodations, attractions, market and economic impact, the argument can be made that ecotourism and AT are merely other names for the early "exploration" stage of the resort cycle, when relatively unspoiled areas are opened up to further tourist incursions by a few pioneer travellers. However, as pointed out by Weaver (1991), what distinguishes this "circumstantial" AT from "deliberate" AT is the lack of regulations and policies which attempt to ensure that the activity is maintained at environmentally, economically and socially sustainable levels. "Deliberate" ecotourism, the subject of this paper, is therefore very" much associated with intentions of identifying and working within the carrying capacities of a particular area, and o f discouraging the emergence of a CM T product where it is deeme d to be undesirable or inappropriate. The recent proliferation of ecotourism case studies, based largely in the underdeveloped world, is not surprising in light of deliberate ecotourism's status as the fastest growing form o f tourism (Whelan 1991). For example, Dearden (1989) and Zurick (1992) examined the p h e n o m e n o n of mountain trekking in Nepal and northern Thailand respectively, while Boo (1990), and Fennell and 458GeoJournal 31.4t1993 Tab 1 Characteristic tendencies: conventional mass tourism vs. alternative tourism Eagles (1990) have studied the rainforest-oriented ecotourism sector o f Costa Rica. Other ecotourism "hotspots" include Belize (Cater 1992), Dominica (Boo 1990; Weaver 1991), and the wildlife safari parks of Kenya (Olindo t991; Western 1982). While the newfound enthusiasm for ecotourism among destinations, the travel market and academics bears the mark of a bandwagon effect and should therefore be viewed with skepticism, it is the contention of this paper that ecotourism-related options can contribute to the enhancement o f sea-sand-sun, or "3S"-oriented tourism sectors which dominate many small tropical islands, as in the Caribbean. In some cases, a more pervasive ecotourism strategy can even substitute for a 3S product. The following section outlines the contemporary small island tourism industry in the Caribbean and considers the traditional status of ecotourism. This is followed by a presentation of deliberate ecotourism-related strategies as they are currently and potentially applied in the region. The implications and applicability of these options are also discussed. The Small Island Caribbean For the purposes of this paper, the "small island Caribbean" is defined as including all discrete political entities having a poplation below 5,000,000 and a land area of less than 15,000 km 2 (Fig 1). While the destinations which fall into this category are diverse with respect to area, population, per capita incomes, political structures and physical geography, certain important characteristics are commonly held, such as the recent colonial legacy and persistent links with the former colonial power, a historical dependency upon primary sector activity (especially agriculture), and, most germane to this paper, a high degree of dependence upon tourism. Tab 2 reveals an inverse relationship between size (population and area) and the relative importance o f tourism with respect to tourist/host ratios and contribution to GNP. As well, the cumulative small island host/guest ratio of approximately 1.00:1, and the 15-20% contribution of tourism to the regional G N P (global average = 13.00:1 and 5%, respectively) identify the area as one of the world's most tourism-intensive destination regions (WTO 1990). During the 1980s, the overall Caribbean tourism industry expanded by an annual rate of 5.5% (second only to East Asia and the Pacific), and it is expected that this sector will grow by an annual rate of 40/0 through the 1990s (Douglas 1992). Because of favourable political conditions, proximity to the North American market and the nature of the region's resource endowment, the Caribbean has become strongly GeoJourna! 31.4/1993459 }THE CARIBBEAN ~/~ B X / c 0x. ~BAHAMAS DOMINICA-Independent States / t~, .,"?Aruba (Neth.)-Dependencies ""~'.. ~J........ .-International Boundary "" ~ '~# ~J'""'Turks&Oaicoslslands(UK) JAMAICA ~k /Puer,o R,oo/U.S,1ST. K,TTS-N>EVlS' °ANTIGUAAND BARBUDA Montserrat (U.K.) o ~o Guadel°upe (Fr.) DOMINtCA 5 O d'?Martinique (Fr.) /' / b b 8 g O SAINT LUCIA SAINT VINCENT ~~ BARBADOS Aruba (Neth.)l~ Curacao (Neth.)--.4-'-*- ~I~ ~Bonaire (Neth.) ,~ GRENADA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO , l'q"l Fig 1 identified as a 3S destination region anchored by two distinct sub-sectors; beach resorts (located on or near the coast), and cruise ship activity (located mainly in major port cities). In addition, a second tier of tourism activity is occupied by social tourism (eg visits by family and friends) and ~business" tourism (eg conventions, business contacts, education, research, etc.), while a third tier includes environmental (ecotourism), cultural and historical (ie heritage) tourism. Fig 2 attempts to depict these tiers in a hierarchical manner, recognizing that any particular tourist trip could incorporate a combination of the sub-sectors. It should also be pointed out that the sectoral emphasis varies from one destination to another, with Trinidad and Tobago having an important business sector, Puerto Rico a dominant social sector and St. Thomas-USVI a cruise ship orientation. While environmental, cultural, historical, social, and educational tourism by their very nature tend to lean toward AT, resort and business tourism generally display the characteristics of CMT (Fig 2), a product which in the Caribbean and small tropical island context has been criticized in a particularly vigorous manner (Britton and Clarke 1987; Bryden 1973; English 1986; Hills and Lundgren 1977; P6rez 1973; Lea 1988). Much has been made of the structural similarities between resort tourism and plantation agriculture, the new monoculture, where the hotel displaces the plantation as the primary mode of production in response to the changing needs of the metropolitan core countries, and the coast develops as an "elite" space juxtaposed to an improverished interior which functions as little more than a local labour reservoir (Britton 1980; Finney and Watson 1975; Harrigan 1974; Weaver 1988). Exacerbating this inequitable system is the observation that most of the servers are non-white and poor, while most of the served are white and wealthy. In short, because of its implication in a variety of negative economic, social and environmental impacts, resort-based CMT is widely perceived as an inappropriate and unsustainable form of tourism activity in small tropical islands. Unfortunately, it is also likely to remain in the foreseeable future as the economic lifeblood for these same destinations, and therefore every effort should be made to ameliorate its undesirable characteristics and effects.