2015到2017考研英语一原文逐句翻译12篇

2017.1. First two hours, now three hours — this is how far in advance authorities are recommending people show up to catch a domestic flight, at least at some major U.S. airports with increasingly massive security lines. 从开始的两个小 时，到现在是三个小时——这是当局建议人们乘坐国内航班需要提前到达机场的 时间，至少在一些安检队伍越来越长的主要的美国机场是这种情况。 Americans are willing to tolerate time-consuming security procedures in return for increased safety. 为了确保更加安全，美国人也愿意忍受耗时的安检 流程。 The crash of Egypt Air Flight 804, which terrorists may have downed over the Mediterranean Sea, provides another tragic reminder of why. 埃及航空 804号 航班很可能是由于恐怖分子袭击，于地中海坠机，这一悲剧的发生也证明了乘客 为何愿意忍受耗时的安检流程。 But demanding too much of air travelers or providing too little security in return undermines public support for the process. 然而对飞机旅客要求太高， 或者提供的安全保障太低只会使民众对安检流程关去信心。 And it should: Wasted time is a drag on Americans' economic and private lives, not to mention infuriating. 不过这也怪不了乘客：安检所耗费的大量时间不仅 使得乘客大为恼火，也损害美国人的经济和个人生活。 Last year, the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) found in a secret check that undercover investigators were able to sneak weapons — both fake and real — past airport security nearly every time they tried. 去年，运输安全 管理局（简称 TSA）在一次秘密的检查中发现，便衣调查人员几乎每次尝试私 携武器——真假武器都有——通过机场安检，都能顺利通过。 Enhanced security measures since then, combined with a rise in airline travel due to the improving economy and low oil prices, have resulted in long waits at major airports such as Chicago's O'Hare International. 此后，机场加强了安检 措施，又因经济不断改善、燃油价格低，搭乘飞机出行的旅客增多，致使像芝加 哥奥黑尔国际机场这样的主要机场的安检等待时间很长。 It is not yet clear how much more effective airline security has become—but the lines are obvious. 航空公司的安全措施变得多么有效尚不清楚——但等待 安检的队伍却明显变长了。 Part of the issue is that the government did not anticipate the steep increase in airline travel, so the TSA is now rushing to get new screeners on the line. 队伍 过长的部分原因应该是政府未能预见搭乘飞机出行的旅客的剧增， 因此 TSA现在正急着招聘新的安检员。 Part of the issue is that airports have only so much room for screening lanes. 部分问题在于机场提供安检的通道有限。 Another factor may be that more people are trying to overpack their carry-on bags to avoid checked-baggage fees, though the airlines strongly dispute this. 另外一个因素可能是越来越多的人为了不交行李托运费而尽量随身携带更多东 西，尽管航空公司强烈反对这种说法。 There is one step the TSA could take that would not require remodeling airports or rushing to hire: Enroll more people in the PreCheck program. 要想 解决这一难题，TSA 或许可以采取这样的措施，它既不需要重建机场，也不需 要急着招聘新的安检员：那就是将更多的人纳入“PreCheck”系统。 PreCheck is supposed to be a win-win for travelers and the TSA. “PreCheck” 应该对旅客和 TSA来说是个双赢的好办法。 Passengers who pass a background check are eligible to use expedited screening lanes. 通过背景调查的旅客可使用快捷安检通道登机。 This allows the TSA to focus on travelers who are higher risks, saving time for everyone involved. 这样 TSA就可以集中精力检查那些威胁更大的旅客，节约 所有旅客的时间。 The TSA wants to enroll 25 million people in PreCheck. TSA将 2500万人 纳人“PreCheck”系统。 It has not gotten anywhere close to that, and one big reason is sticker shock. 但是此计划没有任何进展，一大原因就是背景调查的费用过高。 Passengers must pay $85 every five years to process their background checks. 每隔五年，旅客就要掏 85美元来支付对他们进行背景调查的费用。 Since the beginning, this price tag has been PreCheck's fatal flaw. 从一开始， 费用过高就是“PreCheck”的致命缺陷。 Upcoming reforms might bring the price to a more reasonable level. 按下来的 改革可能会使背景调查的费用更加合理。 But Congress should look into doing so directly, by helping to finance PreCheck enrollment or to cut costs in other ways. 但是国会应直接寻求降低 背景调查费用的方法，通过为“PreCheck”注册提供资金帮助或者使用其他办法 降低成本。 The TSA cannot continue diverting resources into underused PreCheck lanes while most of the traveling public suffers in unnecessary lines. TSA不能继续 在未充分利用的“PreCheck”通道上浪费资源，而让大多数旅客忍受不必要的排 队时间。 It is long past time to make the program work. 为了使该系统投入使用已经耗 费了太多时间。 2. "The ancient Hawaiians were astronomers," wrote Queen Liliuokalani, Hawaii's last reigning monarch, in 1897. “古夏威夷人都是天文学家，夏威夷最 后一位统治君主——利留卡拉尼女王在 1897年写道。 Star watchers were among the most esteemed members of Hawaiian society. 观星人曾经是夏威夷社会中最受人敬重的群体。 Sadly, all is not well with astronomy in Hawaii today. 但可悲的是，夏威夷如今 的天文学却发展地不那么好。 Protests have erupted over construction of the Thirty Meter Telescope(TMT), a giant observatory that promises to revolutionize humanity's view of the cosmos. 三十米望远镜（简称 TMT）是一座巨型天文观测台，它有望彻底改变 人类对宇宙的认知，它的修建遭到了人们的抗议。 At issue is the TMT's planned location on Mauna Kea, a dormant volcano worshiped by some Hawaiians as the piko, that connects the Hawaiian Islands to the heavens. 有争议的是 TMT的计划建造地点——莫纳克亚山，它是被一些 夏威夷人信奉为“piko”（夏威夷本地语言中代表着“大海的浪花”，“冲浪运动”， 并引申有“阳光”，“生命”，“健康”等含义）的休眠火山，他们认为此山连接着夏 威夷群岛和天堂。 But Mauna Kea is also home to some of the world's most powerful telescopes. 但是莫纳克亚山也是世界上一些功能最强大的天文望远镜的集中地。 Rested in the Pacific Ocean, Mauna Kea's peak rises above the bulk of our planet's dense atmosphere, where conditions allow telescopes to obtain images of unsurpassed clarity. 莫纳克亚山坐落于太平洋，其顶峰穿透地球浓密的大气 层。在那里，天文望远镜可以捕捉到无比清晰的画面。 Opposition to telescopes on Mauna Kea is nothing new. 反对在莫纳克亚山建 造天文望远镜已经不是什么新鲜事了。 A small but vocal group of Hawaiians and environments have long viewed their presence as disrespect for sacred land and a painful reminder of the occupation of what was once a sovereign nation. 长久以来，少数夏威夷人和环 保主义者把那些天文望远镜看作是对那片神圣土地的亵渎，并且会使人们想起这 个曾经的主权国家被占领的惨痛回忆。 Some blame for the current controversy belongs to astronomers. 一些人把如 今的争议归因于天文学家。 In their eagerness to build bigger telescopes, they forgot that science is the only way of understanding the world. 他们渴望建造更大的天文望远镜，却忘记 了科学不是理解世界的唯一途径。 They did not always prioritize the protection of Mauna Kea's fragile ecosystems or its holiness to the island's inhabitants. 他们并不总是把保护莫纳克亚山脆弱 的生态环境或维护莫纳克亚山对岛上居民而言的神圣地位放在优先位置。 Hawaiian culture is not a relic of the past; it is a living culture undergoing a renaissance today. 夏威夷文化并非历史的遗产；实际上，它是正在复兴的、有 着生命力的文化。 Yet science has a cultural history, too, with roots going back to the dawn of civilization. 然而科学也是有文化史的，其发展史也要追溯到文明之初。 The same curiosity to find what lies beyond the horizon that first brought early Polynesians to Hawaii's shores inspires astronomers today to explore the heavens. 起初，探索地平线外的世界的好奇心将波利尼西亚人带到了夏威夷海 岸，如今同样的好奇心也在吸引着天文学家不断探索天空。 Calls to disassemble all telescopes on Mauna Kea or to ban future development there ignore the reality that astronomy and Hawaiian culture both seek to answer big questions about who we are, where we come from and where we are going. 呼吁拆除莫纳克亚山上的所有的天文望远镜或者未来禁止安装新天 文望远镜的人们忽视了一个事实：即天文学和夏威夷文化二者都在寻求回答关于 我们是谁，我们来自哪里，以及我们将向何处去的严肃问题。 Perhaps that is why we explore the starry skies, as if answering a primal calling to know ourselves and our true ancestral homes. 可能这就是为什么我们要不 断探索星空，就好像回应最初的召唤，了解我们自己以及我们真正的祖籍。 The astronomy community is making compromises to change its use of Mauna Kea. 天文学界正在做出让步来改变其对莫纳克亚山的使用。 The TMT site was chosen to minimize the telescope's visibility around the island and to avoid archaeological and environmental impact. TMT的选址将最 大程度缩小天文望远镜在岛上的可见度，来避免对考古及环境产生影响。 To limit the number of telescopes on Mauna Kea, old ones will be removed at the end of their lifetimes and their sites returned to a natural state. 为了限制 莫纳克亚山上的天文望远镜数量，旧的天文望远镜在寿命终结后会被拆除，其原 址也会恢复自然状态。 There is no reason why everyone cannot be welcomed on Mauna Kea to embrace their cultural heritage and to study the stars. 任何人都有理由去欣然 接受莫纳克亚山的文化遗址，同时还可以去研究星空。 3. Robert F. Kennedy once said that a country's GDP measures "everything except that which makes life worthwhile." 罗伯特·肯尼迪曾说过，一个国家的 国内生产总值可以衡量“除了让生活有价值外的一切事情”。 With Britain voting to leave the European Union, and GDP already predicted to slow as a result, it is now a timely moment to assess what he was referring to. 英国投票决定脱离欧盟，预计会致使国内生产总值下滑，现在正是评价他这句话 的最佳时刻。 The question of GDP and its usefulness has annoyed policymakers for over half a century. 国内生产总值的问题及其作用已经困扰决策者半个多世纪了。 Many argue that it is a flawed concept. 许多人表示，这是一个错误的概念。 It measures things that do not matter and misses things that do. 它衡量的是一 些不重要的事情，却忽略了重要的方面。 By most recent measures, the UK's GDP has been the envy of the Western world, with record low unemployment and high growth figures. 最近数据显示， 英国低失业率和高增长数据全都突破纪录，其国内生产总值令西方各国羡慕。 If everything was going so well, then why did over 17 million people vote for Brexit, despite the warnings about what it could do to their country's economic prospects? 如果真的是一切都进行地很顺利，那么为什么会有 1700多万人非要 投票脱欧，完全不顾这一行为对国家经济前景的威胁呢？ A recent annual study of countries and their ability to convert growth into well-being sheds some light on that question. 最近关于国家及其将经济增长转 化为民众幸福感的年度研究一定程度上表明了这个问题的原因。 Across the 163 countries measured, the UK is one of the poorest performers in ensuring that economic growth is translated into meaningful improvements for its citizens. 关于经济增长是否可以真正改善人民生活方面，英国是被衡量的 163个国家中表现最差的国家之一。 Rather than just focusing on GDP, 该研究并不仅仅是关注国内生产总值， over 40 different sets of criteria from health, education and civil society engagement have been measured to get a more rounded assessment of how countries are performing. 为了更全面地衡量一个国家的表现，从健康，教育、 民权社会参与等方面采用了 40多种不同的进行衡量。 While all of these countries face their own challenges, there are a number of consistent themes. 尽管所有国家都面临自身的挑战，但有些问题一直存在。 Yes, there has been a budding economic recovery since the 2008 global crash, but in key indicators in areas such as health and education, major economies have continued to decline. 是的，08年全球金融危机爆发以后，经济在不断恢 复，但在健康，教育等重要指标领域，主要经济体都在持续下滑。 Yet this isn't the case with all countries. 但并不是所有国家都存在这样的问题， Some relatively poor European countries have seen huge improvements across measures including civil society, income equality and environment. 一些相对 贫穷的欧洲国家在民权社会、收入公平和环境方面有着巨大的改善。 This is a lesson that rich countries can learn: 这是富裕国家可以吸取的教训： When GDP is no longer regarded as the sole measure of a country's success, the world looks very different. 当国内生产总值不再作为衡量国家是否成功的 唯一标准，世界将变得很不一样。 So what Kennedy was referring to was that while GDP has been the most common method for measuring the economic activity of nations, as a measure, it is no longer enough. 所以，肯尼迪所指的是，尽管国内生产总值已经成为衡 量国家经济活动最普遍的方法，但是仅仅是一种方法，还不足够。 It does not include important factors such as environmental quality or education outcomes, all things that contribute to a person's sense of well-being. 因为，它并没有涵盖一些重要的因素，如环境质量或者教育成果, 要知道，这些 因素通常才能给一个人带来幸福感。 The sharp hit to growth predicted around the world and in the UK could lead to a decline in the everyday services we depend on for our well-being and for growth. 全世界以及英国，都预测经济增长会受到重大打击，这一打击可能导致 我们维持幸福感和经济增长所依赖的日常服务水平下降。 But policymakers who refocus efforts on improving well-being rather than simply worrying about GDP figures could avoid the forecasted doom and may even see progress. 但是如果决策者重新关注提升幸福感而不是仅仅担心国内生 产总值的数据，就能够避免可以预见的经济低迷，实现真正的进步。 4. In a rare unanimous ruling, the US Supreme Court has overturned the corruption conviction of a former Virginia governor, Robert McDonnell. 在罕 见的一致裁决中，美国最高法院推翻了对前弗吉尼亚州州长罗伯特·麦克唐纳贪 污案的定罪。 But it did so while holding its nose at the ethics of his conduct, which included accepting gifts such as a Rolex watch and a Ferrari Automobile from a company seeking access to government. 但是最高法院也对其收取礼物的行为 嗤之以鼻，这其中包括接受一家试图打通政府部门关系的一家公司馈赠的劳力士 手表和法拉利跑车等礼物。 The high court's decision said the judge in Mr. McDonnell's trail failed to tell a jury that it must look only at his "official acts," or the former governor's decisions on "specific" and "unsettled" issues related to his duties. 高等法院的 判决认为，主审麦克唐纳案的法官没有告知陪审团必须只审查他的“官方行为”， 或者与这位前州长职责相关的“特定的”和“未确定的”问题上的决定。 Merely helping a gift-giver gain access to other officials, unless done with clear intent to pressure those officials, is not corruption, the justices found. 法官们 发现，只是帮助送礼者接触其他官员，除非出于向这些官员明确施压的目的，否 则并不构成贪污罪。 The court did suggest that accepting favors in return for opening doors is "distasteful" and "nasty." 法院确实表示，为送礼者开路并从中牟利的行为是“令 人反感的”且“肮脏的”。 But under anti-bribery laws, proof must be made of concrete benefits, such as approval of a contract or regulation. 但是根据《反腐败法》的规定，必须找出 具体的获利证据，例如批准某项或者法规。 Simply arranging a meeting, making a phone call, or hosting an event is not an "official act." 否则仅仅安排会面、打个电话、或者举办某次活动并不是“官方行 为”。 The court's ruling is legally sound in defining a kind of favoritism that is not criminal. 最高法院将该事件判决为一种偏袒而不是犯罪的行为是合法的。 Elected leaders must be allowed to help supporters deal with bureaucratic problems without fear of prosecution for bribery. 被选出的政府领导人必须能 帮助其支持者处理官僚体制内的问题，而不必担心因受贿被起诉。 "The basic compact underlying representative government," wrote Chief Justice John Roberts for the court, "assumes that public officials will hear from their constituents and act on their concerns." 针对此次法庭审理，首席大法官 约翰·罗伯茨写道： “代议制政府当包含这样的契约，即公职人员会听取选民的 诉求，并努力践行他们的关注点。” But the ruling reinforces the need for citizens and their elected representatives, not the courts, to ensure equality of access to government. 但 是，公民及他们选举出来的代表，而非法院，必须确保接触政府部门的途径是平 等的，而这一判决强化了这种必要性。 Officials must not be allowed to play favorites in providing information or in arranging meetings simply because an individual or group provides a campaign donation or a personal gift. 官员不得因个人或团体提供竞选捐款或私人礼物而 在提供信息或安排会面时有所偏袒。 This type of integrity requires will-enforced laws in government transparency, such as records of official meetings, rules on lobbying, and information about each elected leader's source of wealth. 这种诚信需要在政府透明度上制定严格 的法律，例如要记录正式会议，制定游说规则，以及公布每个当选领导人的资金 来源信息等等。 Favoritism in official access can fan public perceptions of corruption. 官方性 的偏袒会激起关于腐败的公众认知。 But it is not always corruption. 但这并不总是腐败。 Rather officials must avoid double standards, or different types of access for average people and the wealthy. 相反，官员必须避免双重标准，或是区别对待 普通人和富人。 If connections can be bought, a basic premise of democratic society — that all are equal in treatment by government — is undermined. 如果与政府的关系可 以交易、那么民主社会基本前提——政府平等对待一切，就会受到损害。 Good government rests on an understanding of the inherent worth of each individual. 良好的政府是建立在理解每个人的内在价值之上。 The court's ruling is a step forward in the struggle against both corruption and official favoritism. 最高法院的裁决使得与腐败和徇私舞弊的斗争又向前迈进一 步。 2016.1. France, which prides itself as the global innovator of fashion, has decided its fashion industry has lost an absolute right to define physical beauty for woman. 法国一向以作为全球时尚革新者为傲，如今它已决定其时尚产业已经失去了定义 女性体型美的绝对权力。 Its lawmakers gave preliminary approval last week to a law that would make it a crime to employ ultra-thin models on runways. 上周，法国的立法者初步通过 了一部法律，该法律将使用超瘦模特上 T型台走秀定为犯罪。 The parliament also agreed to ban websites that "incite excessive thinness" by promoting extreme dieting. 法国议会还同意封禁那些推广极端的节食来诱使女 性追求骨感体型的网站。 Such measures have a couple of uplifting motives. 这些措施有几个积极的动机。 They suggest beauty should not be defined by looks that end up with impinging on health. 它们表明美不应该由外貌来定义，因为追求外貌美最终会危害人的健 康。 That's a start. 这些措施只是反对追求骨感体型风气的一个开始。 And the ban on ultra-thin models seems to go beyond protecting models from starving themselves to death – as some have done. 禁止使用超瘦模特的目的不 仅仅是保护模特不因减肥而把自己饿死——有些模特就因减肥而饿死。 It tells the fashion industry that it must take responsibility for the signal it sends women, especially teenage girls, about the social tape – measure they must use to determine their individual worth. 还警告时尚产业：对于女性该用 什么样的社会标尺来判定自己的个人价值这一问题，时尚产业给女性，尤其是未 成年少女，传达了错误的信号，时尚产业必须为此负责。 The bans, if fully enforced, would suggest to woman (and many men)that they should not let others be arbiters of their beauty. 如果完全执行该禁令，它会将 向女性（以及很多男性）表明：不要让别人成为自己美的评判者。 And perhaps faintly, they hint that people should look to intangible qualities like character and intellect rather than dieting their way to size zero or wasp-waist physiques. 这些措施或许还隐约地暗示，人们应该注重个性和智力 等无形的品质，而不是通过节食来达到“零号身材”或“黄蜂腰体型”。 The French measures, however, rely too much on severe punishment to change a culture that still regards beauty as skin-deep-and bone-showing. 然 而，法国的这些举措过分依赖严厉的惩罚来改变时尚产业的文化，该文化依旧认 为瘦到皮包骨是美。 Under the law, using a fashion model that does not meet a government-defined index of body mass could result in a $85,000 fine and six months in prison. 该法律规定，使用没有达到政府体质指数要求的时尚模特的 后果是罚款 8.5万美元和服刑 6个月。 The fashion industry knows it has an inherent problem in focusing on material adornment and idealized body types. 时尚产业知道它们注重衣着打扮和理想体 型的问题一直存在。 In Denmark, the United States, and a few other countries, it is trying to set voluntary standard for models and fashion images that rely more on peer pressure for enforcement. 丹麦、美国和其他一些国家的时尚产业试图为模特和 时尚形象设定一个非强制性标准，该标准更多地依靠同辈压力来执行。 In contrast to France's actions, Denmark's fashion industry agreed last month on rules and sanctions regarding age, health, and other characteristics of models. 相比于法国的措施，上月，丹麦时尚产业同意了关于模特的年龄、健康 和其他特征的规定和惩罚。 The newly revised Danish Fashion Ethical charter clearly states, we are aware of and take responsibility for the impact the fashion industry has on body ideals, especially on young people. 最新修订的《丹麦时尚产业道德章程》明确规定：“我 们已经意识到时尚产业给体型观念带来的影响，尤其是给年轻人带来的影响，我 们应该对此负责。” The charter's main tool of enforcement is to deny access for designers and modeling agencies to Copenhagen Fashion Week(CFW), which is run by the Danish Fashion Institute. 这个章程的主要执行方法是拒绝违反规定的设计师 和模特经纪机构进入哥本哈根时尚周，该时尚周由丹麦时尚机构运作。 But in general it relies on a name-and–shame method of compliance. 但总的 来说，该举措依靠指名道姓的方法来确保该章程得到遵守。 Relying on ethical persuasion rather than law to address the misuse of body ideals may be the best step. 依靠道德规劝而不是法律手段来矫正理想体型的错 误观点或许才是最好的办法。 Even better would be to help elevate notions of beauty beyond the material standards of a particular industry. 更好的措施就是有助于提升美的概念，使之 超越某一特定产业的物质标准。 2. For the first time in history more people live in towns than in the country. 与乡 村人口相比，人类历史上第一次有更多的人居住在城镇。 In Britain this has had a curious result. 这在英国产生了奇怪的结果。 While polls show Britons rate "the countryside" alongside the royal family, Shakespeare and the National Health Service (NHS) as what makes them proudest of their country, this has limited political support. 民意调查显示，尽 管英国人把“乡村”与英国皇室、莎士比亚和国民医疗服务制度一起当成英国的四 大骄傲，但英国人的这种观点只得到了有限的政治支持。 A century ago Octavia Hill launched the National Trust not to rescue stylish houses but to save "the beauty of natural places for everyone forever." 一个世 纪前，奥克塔维亚·希尔发起成立了国民托管组织，此举不是去挽救那些雅致的 房屋，而是“为所有人永久保存自然之地的美”。 It was specifically to provide city dwellers with spaces for leisure where they could experience "a refreshing air." 此举是专门为城市居民提供休闲空间，在那 里他们可以呼吸新鲜空气。 Hill's pressures later led to the creation of national parks and green belts. 后来， 由于希尔的助推，促成了各种国家公园和绿化带的建立。 They don't make countryside any more, and every year concrete consumes more of it. 而现在，公园和绿化带不再造就乡村，相反，混泥土建筑每年侵占 更多的乡村。 It needs constant guardianship. 乡村需要持续的保护。 At the next election none of the big parties seem likely to endorse this sentiment. 但在下一届选举中，几个大党都不太可能支持这一观点。 The Conservatives' planning reform explicitly gives rural development priority over conservation, even authorizing "off-plan" building where local people might object. 保守党的规划改革明确表示要给予乡村开发而不是乡村保护优先 权，该改革甚至批准了建造项目，但遭到了当地人的反对。 The concept of sustainable development has been defined as profitable. 可持 续发展观已经被定义成了有利可图的发展。 Labour likewise wants to discontinue local planning where councils oppose development. 工党同样也想终止那些遭到地方议会反对的地方性规划。 The Liberal Democrats are silent. 而自由民主党则保持沉默。 Only Ukip, sensing its chance, has sided with those pleading for a more considered approach to using green land. 只有英国独立党支持那些呼吁政府 在使用绿地方面要深思熟虑的人，因为他们觉得自己的机会来了。 Its Campaign to Protect Rural England struck terror into many local Conservative parties. 该党的“保护英国乡村运动”使许多地方性保守党胆战心 惊。 The sensible place to build new houses, factories and offices is where people are, in cities and towns where infrastructure is in place. 乡村的新住房、工厂 和办公室明显应该建在人聚居的地方，城镇的则要建在基础设施完善的地方。 The London agents Stirling Ackroyd recently identified enough sites for half a million houses in the London area alone, with no intrusion on green belt. 最近， 伦敦房地产中介公司“Stirling Ackroyd”在伦敦找出了足够多的建设地点，这些地 方能够建设五十万套住房，且不会侵占绿化带。 What is true of London is even truer of the provinces. 如果在伦敦市都能如此， 那么在其他省份就更能如此了。 The idea that "housing crisis" equals "concreted meadows" is pure lobby talk. “住房危机”等同于“混泥土草地”的这个想法是纯粹的游说说辞。 The issue is not the need for more houses but, as always, where to put them. 真正的问题不在于需要更多的住房，而是像以往一样，在哪里建设它们。 Under lobby pressure, George Osborne favours rural new-build against urban renovation and renewal. 迫于游说压力，乔治·奥斯本选择支持在乡村建设新住 房，而不是对城镇进行改造和翻新。 He favours out-of-town shopping sites against high streets. 他支持在远离城镇 的地方而不是商业大街上建设购物中心。 This is not a free market but a biased one. 这种做法可不是自由的市场行为， 而是存在偏见的市场行为。 Rural towns and villages have grown and will always grow. 乡镇和乡村已经得 到了发展，并将一直发展下去。 They do so best where building sticks to their edges and respects their character. 当把高楼大厦保持在城镇和乡村的边缘，尊重它们的特色时，城镇和 乡村才能发展得最好。 We do not ruin urban conservation areas. 我们没有毁坏城镇的保护区域。 Why ruin rural ones? 却为什么要去毁坏乡村的保护区域？ Development should be planned, not let rip. 开发前需要规划，而不任其发展。 After the Netherlands, Britain is Europe's most crowded country. 英国是继荷 兰之后欧洲第二拥挤的国家。 Half a century of town and country planning has enabled it to retain an enviable rural coherence, while still permitting low-density urban living. 但半 世纪以来，合理的城乡规划使英国得以保留令其他国家羡慕的乡村协调性，同时 还允许低密度的城镇人口。 There is no doubt of the alternative—the corrupted landscapes of southern Portugal, Spain or Ireland. 不进行合理规划所带来的后果是毋庸置疑的——无 序的乡村建设使得葡萄牙南部，西班牙或爱尔兰的某些地带遭到破坏就是实例。 Avoiding this rather than promoting it should unite the left and right of the political spectrum. 应该联合英国的左派和右派势力来避免无序的乡村建设这 一政策，而不是支持无序的乡村发展这一政策。 3. "There is one and only one social responsibility of business" wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel Prize-winning economist 诺贝尔经济学奖得主、经济学家米 尔顿·弗里德曼写道，企业社会责任有且仅有一种， "That is, to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits." “那就是，利用自身资源从事能让其获利的各种活动。” But even if you accept Friedman's premise and regard corporate social responsibility(CSR) policies as a waste of shareholders's money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut. 但是即使你同意弗里德曼的这种假设性的观点，并且认 为企业社会责任政策是浪费股东的金钱，事情却并非完全如此清晰。 New research suggests that CSR may create monetary value for companies at least when they are prosecuted for corruption. 新的研究表明，至少企业因腐败 而被起诉的时候，企业社会责任或许能为企业创造经济价值。 The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR, according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm. 据咨询公 司“EPG”估算，英美两国的大公司每年合计在企业社会责任上的花费超过 150 亿美元。 This could add value to their businesses in three ways. 这能从三个方面给他们 的企业增加价值。 First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality. 第一，消费者可能会把企业的企业社会责任开销当 做是一个“信号”，即这一公司的产品质量上乘。 Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect may to donate to the good causes it helps. 第二，消费者可能愿意购买这一公司 的产品，算是间接地为该公司所支持的事业贡献力量。 And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect" whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others. 第三，通过更广泛的“光环效 应”，这一公司的善行能让消费者和其他人有购买需求时能更多地考虑该公司。 Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three. 因为消费者受可能是受到了以上三个 方式的影响，所以先前对企业社会责任的研究难以区分这三种方式的影响。 A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under American's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act（FCPA）. 最近的一项研究试 图区分这三种方式的影响，它所用的方法就是研究因违反《美国反海外腐败法》 而遭到行贿起诉的案例。 It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect. 研究认 为，由于检察官并不购买那些作为其调查部分的公司产品，因此他们只能受到“光 环效应”的影响。 The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties. 这项 研究发现，在被起诉的公司当中，那些拥有最全面的企业社会责任项目的企业往 往会得到更轻的处罚。 Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firm's political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: 他们的分析排除 了这样的可能性，即：是当事公司的政治影响力，而非他们的企业社会责任立场 才让它获得了较轻的处罚， Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines. 因为那些支持政治运动更多的公司并没有得到更低的罚金。 In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, 总之，这个研究的结论是：虽然检察官在评估一个案 件时，应该基于其功绩， they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR. 实际上还是受到 了公司企业社会责任记录的影响。 "We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% result in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for bribing foreign officials." says one researcher. 其中的一位研究者说：“我们估计，要么消除一个 实质性的劳工权益问题，例如童工问题，要么增加 20%的企业捐赠，都会促成 罚金减少，一般要比因贿赂外国官员而造成的典型罚款低 40%。” Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question at how much businesses ought to spend on CSR. 研究者们承认他们的研究没有解决的问题 是：针对企业社会责任各大企业到底该支出多少费用。 Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies. 也没有揭露当企业做慈善方面的决策时，会有多看重“光环效应”，而非其他潜在 收益。 But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment. 但 至少他们证明了一点，当企业遇到法律问题时，自身良好品质的证据将让企业付 出更少的罚金。 4. There will eventually come a day when The New York Times ceases to publish stories on newsprint. 终有那么一天，《纽约时报》会停止在报纸上出版新闻报 道。 Exactly when that day will be is a matter of debate. 但究竟会在哪天到来就需 要辩论一番了。 "Sometime in the future," the paper's publisher said back in 2010. 该报的出版 商曾在 2010年这样说道：“或许在将来的某一天吧。” Nostalgia for ink on paper and the rustle of pages aside, there's plenty of incentive to ditch print. 撇开对油墨字纸张和翻页的沙沙声的怀念，舍弃纸质版 的动机还是很充分的。 The infrastructure required to make a physical newspaper — printing presses, delivery trucks — isn't just expensive; it's excessive at a time when online — only competitors don't have the same set of financial constraints. 如今做一份 纸质版报纸所需要的印刷机、配送卡车等硬件设施不只是贵。在这个只出版电子 版的同行报纸都没有这种资金限制的时代，这些硬件设施的开支算是离谱了。 Readers are migrating away from print anyway. 反正读者正在从纸质版转移到 电子版。 And though print ad sales still dwarf their online and mobile counterparts, revenue from print is still declining. 尽管纸质版报纸的广告销售额仍让在线和 移动报纸相形见绌，但是纸质版报纸的收入仍在下滑。 Overhead may be high and circulation lower, but rushing to eliminate its print edition would be a mistake, says BuzzFeed CEO Jonah Peretti. “BuzzFeed”首 席执行官乔纳·佩雷蒂说道：尽管日常开支会很高，同时发行量持续走低，但贸 然停止纸质版将会铸成大错。 Peretti says the Times shouldn't waste time getting out of the print business, but only if they go about doing it the right way. 佩雷蒂说，《纽约时报》不该浪 费时间去想着如何停止纸质版，而应该找到一种正确的方法去解决这件事。 "Figuring out a way to accelerate that transition would make sense for them," he said, "but if you discontinue it, you're going have your most loyal customers really upset with you." 他还说，“对《纽约时报》来说，花时间去想出一个能加 快其转型的办法才是有意义的，但如果《纽约时报》决定不再出版纸质版，那么 这将让该报的最忠诚的顾客们失望至极” Sometimes that's worth making a change anyway. 但不管怎样，有时候转型还 是很值得的。 Peretti gives the example of Netflix discontinuing its DVD-mailing service to focus on streaming. 佩雷蒂给出了“Netflix”终止向顾客邮寄 DVD业务，而专注 去做流媒体的例子。 "It was seen as blunder," he said. 他说，当时那被看做是愚蠢的错误。 The move turned out to be foresighted. 但此举证明是很有先见之明的。 And if Peretti were in charge at the Times? 如果佩雷蒂负责《纽约时报》，他会 有何行动？ "I wouldn't pick a year to end print," he said "I would raise prices and make it into more of a legacy product." 他说，我不会选择在某一年停止出版纸质版，相 反，我不仅要提高价格，还要将它变为一种可以传承的产物。 The most loyal customers would still get the product they favor, the idea goes, and they'd feel like they were helping sustain the quality of something they believe in.这样，那些最忠诚的顾客们依旧会买他们一直喜欢的产品，产品的思 想就能传播，并且他们会觉得这是在支持他们所信任的产品保持质量。 "So if you're overpaying for print, you could feel like you were helping," Peretti said. “因此，如果继续高价购买纸质报纸，人们会觉得自己是在伸出援手，”佩 雷蒂说道。 "Then increase it at a higher rate each year and essentially try to generate additional revenue." “然后每年使其价格以比较高比率增长，以此获得额外收入”。 In other words, if you're going to make a print product, make it for the people who are already obsessed with it. 换句话说，如果你想做一份纸质版报纸，那就 选择那些已经痴迷于它们的人吧。 Which may be what the Times is doing already. 这或许也是《纽约时报》已经 在做的事。 Getting the print edition seven days a week costs nearly $500 a year — more than twice as much as a digital — only subscription. 每周七天都订一份制止报 纸，一年就要花近 500美元——比只订阅电子版的费用贵了一倍多。 "It's a really hard thing to do and it's a tremendous luxury that BuzzFeed doesn't have a legacy business," Peretti remarked. 佩雷蒂指出，要不要舍弃纸 质版确实是一个艰难的决定，但 BuzzFeed没有的遗产业务，这一点极其难得， "But we're going to have questions like that where we have things we're doing that don't make sense when the market changes and the world changes. 但当 市场和世界形势发生变化时，我们正在做的事情就会变得没有意义，这时候我们 也会面临“要不要舍弃报纸的纸质版”类似的难题。 In those situations, it's better to be more aggressive that less aggressive." 在这 种情况下，更激进的举措要好于不痛不痒之举。 2015.1. King Juan Carlos of Spain once insisted "kings don't abdicate, they die in their sleep." 西班牙国王胡安·卡洛斯曾坚称“国王不会退位，他们在睡眠中死去。” But embarrassing scandals and the popularity of the republican left in the recent Euro-elections have forced him to eat his words and stand down. 但最 近几次欧洲选举中报出的种种尴尬的丑闻、以及共和党人大受欢迎，迫使他食言 并退位。 So does the Spanish crisis suggest that monarchy is seeing its last days? 如此 说来，西班牙的危急是不是表明君主制已时日不多了？ Does that mean the writing is on the wall for all European royals, with their magnificent uniforms and majestic lifestyles? 是否意味着所有衣着华丽、生活 高贵的欧洲皇室成员将有大难了？ The Spanish case provides arguments both for and against monarchy. 西班牙 这一事例给支持和反对君主制的双方提供了论据。 When public opinion is particularly polarized, as it was following the end of the Franco regime, monarchs can rise above "mere" politics and "embody" a spirit of national unity. 而公众对此精神“象征”的意见两极分化严重，佛朗哥政权的终 结后，君主可能超越“纯粹的”政治，成为国家统一的精神“象征”。 It is this apparent transcendence of politics that explains monarchs continuing popularity as heads of state. 正是这次明显的超越政治，解释了君主作为国家元 首会继续受到欢迎的原因。 And so, the Middle East excepted, Europe is the most monarch-infested region in the world, with 10 kingdoms (not counting Vatican City and Andorra). 正因 如此，除中东外，欧洲是世界上君主制最盛行的地区——它有十个王国（这还不 算梵蒂冈和安道尔）。 But unlike their absolutist counterparts in the Gulf and Asia, most royal families have survived because they allow voters to avoid the difficult search for a non-controversial but respected public figure. 但不像海湾地区和亚洲的 专制国家，欧洲皇室家族得以留存，是因为他们让选民们不用去艰苦地寻找一个 不受争议、受人尊重的公众人物。 Even so, kings and queens undoubtedly have a downside. 即使如此，国王和女 王毫无疑问有其不足之处。 Symbolic of national unity as they claim to be, their very history — and sometimes the way they behave today — embodies outdated and indefensible privileges and inequalities. 尽管他们宣称自己是国家统一象征，但他们的历史 和今日的行为都代表着他们享有的特权已经过时、且站不住脚，以及在他们身上 体现出的不公平。 At a time when Thomas Piketty and other economists are warning of rising inequality and the increasing power of inherited wealth, it is bizarre that wealthy aristocratic families should still be the symbolic heart of modern democratic states. 托马斯·皮克提和其他经济学家曾警告，皇室享受的特殊待遇 和财产继承权在增强，贵族家族居然仍然是现代民主制国家的核心象征就很荒唐 了。 The most successful monarchies strive to abandon or hide their old aristocratic ways. 最成功的君主在力图抛弃或隐匿他们老套的贵族做派。 Princes and princesses have day-jobs and ride bicycles, not horses (or helicopters). 王子和公主白天上班，他们骑自行车出行，而不是骑马（或乘直升 飞机）。 Even so, these are wealthy families who party with the international 1%,and media intrusiveness makes it increasingly difficult to maintain the right image. 尽管如此，他们是世界上百分之一的富裕家族，媒体的侵扰让他们难以在公众面 前维持良好的形象。 While Europe's monarchies will no doubt be smart enough to survive for some time to come, it is the British royals who have most to fear from the Spanish example. 尽管欧洲君主们毫无疑问将很明智地留存一时，但看到西班牙皇室的 下场，最担惊受怕的还是英国皇室。 It is only the Queen who has preserved the monarchy's reputation with her rather ordinary (if well-heeled) granny style. 只有英国女王以她平易近人、“老 奶奶”式的行为方式（要是穿着考究的话）保住了王室的声誉。 The danger will come with Charles, who has both an expensive taste of lifestyle and a pretty hierarchical view of the world. 给英国王室带来危险的会 是查尔斯亲王，他既有奢侈的生活品味，又有浓重的等级制世界观。 He has failed to understand that monarchies have largely survived because they provide a service, as non-controversial and non-political heads of state. 他没能明白君主之所以得以保存是因为他们能提供服务，他们是既无争议，又不 涉及政治的国家元首。 Charles ought to know that as English history shows, it is kings, not republicans, who are the monarchy's worst enemies. 查尔斯亲王本应懂得英国 历史所表明的道理：国王才是君主制的死敌，而非共和党人。 2. Just how much does the Constitution protect your digital data? 宪法对你的数 字资料的保护到底有多大？ The Supreme Court will now consider whether police can search the contents of a mobile phone without a warrant if the phone is on or around a person during an arrest. 最高法院现在将会考虑如果手机在嫌疑人的身上或身边，警察 是否能在未经许可的前提下搜查其手机的内容。 California has asked the justices to refrain from a sweeping ruling, particularly one that upsets the old assumptions that authorities may search through the possessions of suspects at the time of their arrest. 加州要求法官们制止笼统的 裁决，尤其是这个推翻以往臆断的裁决——当局在实施逮捕时可以搜查嫌疑犯的 所有物。 It is hard, the state argues, for judges to assess the implications of new and rapidly changing technologies. 加州争辩说，要让法官去评估日新月异的技术可 能引发的后果是很难的。 The court would be recklessly modest if it followed California's advice. 如果法 院听从了加州的建议，那它就谦逊过头了。 Enough of the implications are discernable, even obvious, so that the justice can and should provide updated guidelines to police, lawyers and defendants. 可能引发的后果都在意料之中，甚至是显而易见的，因此法官们可以也应该给警 察、律师和被告提供最新的指导方针。 They should start by discarding California's lame argument that exploring the contents of a smart phone — a vast storehouse of digital information is similar to say, going through a suspect's purse. 法官们首先就应该予以摒弃， 智能手机 是个巨大的数据信息仓库，而加州关于“搜查智能手机的内容，就像在搜查嫌疑 犯的钱包”的说辞是站不住脚的。 The court has ruled that police don't violate the Fourth Amendment when they go through the wallet or pocket book, of an arrestee without a warrant. 法院已 作出判定，警察在没有授权的前提下搜查被捕人的钱包或皮夹时，并没有违反第 四修订案规定。 But exploring one's smart phone is more like entering his or her home. 但是搜 查某人的智能手机更像是闯进他的家。 A smart phone may contain an arrestee's reading history, financial history, medical history and comprehensive records of recent correspondence. 因为智 能手机很可能含有被捕人的阅读历史、财政状况、医疗信息和详细的最近通信记 录。 The development of "cloud computing." meanwhile, has made that exploration so much the easier. 而此时“云计算”的发展使得搜查变得更加容易。 Americans should take steps to protect their digital privacy. 美国人应该采取措 施保护他们的数据隐私。 But keeping sensitive information on these devices is increasingly a requirement of normal life. 而在智能手机上保存敏感信息越来越成为日常生活 的需求。 Citizens still have a right to expect private documents to remain private and protected by the Constitution's prohibition on unreasonable searches. 公民依 然有权期望私密文件不被人知道，遇到不正当的搜查时受到宪法保护。 As so often is the case, stating that principle doesn't ease the challenge of line-drawing. 即便如此规定，但也很难帮助我们做到泾渭分明，这种事情也是 时有发生。 In many cases, it would not be overly onerous for authorities to obtain a warrant to search through phone contents. 在很多情况下，当局很容易获得搜 查手机内容的搜查令。 They could still invalidate Fourth Amendment protections when facing severe, urgent circumstances, 但在遭遇严重、紧急的情况时，他们依然会使第四修订 案失效， The court, though, may want to allow room for police to cite situations where they are entitled to more freedom. 法院会让警方证明在许多情况下，他们都有 权进行搜查。 But the justices should not swallow California's argument whole. 但是法官们 不应该一股脑地同意加州说辞。 New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitution's protections. 新的突破性技术有时要求宪法保护的创新运用。 Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a digital necessity of life in the 20th: 法学教授奥林·科尔将 21世纪的数字信息爆 炸和易获取性与 20世纪作为生活必需品的移动应用的建立进行了对比。 The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. 法官那时为车厢的个人空间制定了明确的新条例； 他 们现在也就必须弄清第四修订案该如何运用到数据信息的保护上。 3. The journal Science is adding an extra round of statistical checks to its peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNutt announced today. 总主编 马西娅·麦克娜特今天宣布：《科学》杂志在同行评阅之外又增加一轮数据审查。 The policy follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that basic mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the irreproducibility of many published research findings. 《科学》也随即效仿了 其他杂志的做法，数据分析中出现的基本错误致使许多出版的研究发现不可再生 得到广泛关注后。 "Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal," writes McNutt in an editorial. “一定要让读者对我们出版的研究结论有信心，” 麦克娜特在一篇专栏中写道。 Working with the American Statistical Association, the journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing editors(SBoRE). 该杂志与美国 统计协会一道，任命七名专家成立了一个数据校对编辑委员会。 Manuscript will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the journal's internal editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer reviewers. 原稿将由杂志内部编辑，或已经成立的数据校对编辑委员会委员或外 部同行校对员标注以供进一步的审查。 The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these manuscripts. 届时该委员会成员将物色外部统计专家来审查这些原稿。 Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said: "The creation of the 'statistics board' was motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Science's overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish." 在被问及是否已有特殊的论文促成了这样的改变时，麦克娜特说: “对 科学研究领域的统计学应用和数据分析的广泛关注，促使了‘数据校对编辑委员 会’的成立，该委员会成立也是全面提高我们出版的研究可再生性努力的一部 分。” Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a member of the SBoRE group. 乔瓦尼·帕尔米贾尼是哈佛大学公共卫生学院的 生物统计学家、该委员会的成员。 He says he expects the board to "play primarily an advisory role." 他说他期望 该委员会“能扮演最基本的顾问角色”。 He agreed to join because he "found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. 他同意加入 是因为“他发现建立该委员会的眼光很新颖、独特，还可能会有持久的影响力。” This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science." 它影响到的不仅是《科学》杂志本身， 而且可能影响到更多想要在《科学》杂志之后成为行业模范的出版社。 John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is "a most welcome step forward" and "long overdue." 约翰·伊奥尼迪斯， 一名专攻研究方法论的物理学家，称这一政策是“最受欢迎的进步”却又“姗姗来 迟。” "Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. “数据审查是大多数杂志的薄弱环节，而这会损害出版物的质 量。 I think that, for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review," he says. 我认为，对于当今大多数的科学论 文来说，数据审查比专家审查更为重要，”他说道。 But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review. 他曾指出，《内科医学年鉴》《美国医学会杂志》 和《柳叶刀》等生物医学杂志都非常注重数据审查。 Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. 细胞生物学家大卫·沃克斯称：“人们认为职业科学家应该懂得如 何进行数据分析，但是已出版的研究中的数据错误却极其普遍。” Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in Nature in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, "engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process".他 2012年在《自然》 杂志中写到，研究者应提高他们的专业水准，而杂志更要不甘示弱， “聘用通晓 统计的校对员和能核实数据的编辑”。 Vaux says that Science's idea to pass some papers to statisticians "has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identify 'the papers that need scrutiny' in the first place".沃克斯表示，《科学》 杂志将论文交给统计学家审查的想法有其可取之处，但它的不足是依赖委员会的 审查编辑先识别出‘需要审查的论文’。 4. Two years ago, Rupert Murdoch's daughter, Elisabeth, spoke of the "unsettling dearth of integrity across so many of our institutions". 两年前，鲁伯特·默多克 之女伊丽莎白曾说“太多的新闻机构有令人不安的正直缺失。” Integrity had collapsed, she argued, because of a collective acceptance that the only "sorting mechanism" in society should be profit and the market. 她争辩道， 因为公众一致认为社会中唯一的“分类”应该是利益和市场，所以正直早已崩 溃。 But "it's us, human beings, we the people who create the society we want, not profit". 但“是我们人类自己创造了我们想要的社会，而不是利益”。 Driving her point home, she continued: "It's increasingly apparent that the absence of purpose, of a moral language within government, media or business could become one of the most dangerous own goals for capitalism and freedom." 为了把话说得透彻，她继续说道： “政府、新闻媒体或企业内部使命 感和道德话语的缺失日益表明，它可能会成为资本主义和自由最危险的目标之 一” This same absence of moral purpose was wounding companies such as News International, she thought, making it more likely that it would lose its way as it had with widespread illegal telephone hacking. 她认为，与之相同的道德使命 感的缺失也在伤害新闻国际集团这样的公司，新闻国际集团更可能在出现大规模 的非法电话窃听的时候迷失方向。 As the hacking trial concludes—finding guilty one ex-editor of the News of the World, Andy Coulson, for conspiring to hack phones, and finding his predecessor, Rebekah Brooks, innocent of the same charge—the wider issue of dearth of integrity still stands. 窃听审判裁决——《世界新闻报》前总编安迪·库 尔森因密谋窃听电话而被判有罪，而受到相同指控的、他的继任者丽贝卡·布鲁 克斯却被判无罪——更为广泛的正直缺失问题却仍旧存在。 Journalists are known to have hacked the phones of up to 5,500 people. 据悉， 当事记者窃听了 5500多人的电话。 This is hacking on an industrial scale, as was acknowledged by Glenn Mulcaire, the man hired by the News of the World in 2001 to be the point person for phone hacking. 这是大规模的窃听，正如格伦·穆尔凯尔所承认的那样，此人是 2001年《世界新闻报》雇佣的员工，是此次电话窃听丑闻的焦点人物。 Others await trial. This long story still unfolds. 其他当事人在等候审判。这一丑 闻仍在发酵。 In many respects, the dearth of moral purpose frames not only the fact of such widespread phone hacking but the terms on which the trial took place. 从许多 方面来说，道德使命感的缺失导致了这样大面积的电话窃听，而且还导致了对审 判的讨论。 One of the astonishing revelations was how little Rebekah Brooks knew of what went on in her newsroom, how little she thought to ask and the fact that she never inquired how the stories arrived. 其中令人惊讶的发现是丽贝卡·布鲁克 斯对她的新闻工作室所发生的事情知之甚少，她很少过问、事实上她从不询问新 闻故事是怎样得来的。 The core of her successful defence was that she knew nothing. 她自我辩护成 功的关键是她对此一无所知。 In today's world, it has become normal that well-paid executives should not be accountable for what happens in the organisations that they run. 当今世界， 高薪资的管理者不应该为发生在其组织内的事情担责，这已属正常现象。 Perhaps we should not be so surprised. 或许我们对此不该过于吃惊。 For a generation, the collective doctrine has been that the sorting mechanism of society should be profit. 对于这代人来说，共同接受的信条是社会的分类机 制应该是利益。 The words that have mattered are efficiency, flexibility, shareholder value, business-friendly, wealth generation, sales, impact and, in newspapers, circulation. 真正重要的词汇是效率、灵活性、股东价值、利于商界运作、富裕 的一代、销售量和报纸的发行量。 Words degraded to the margin have been justice, fairness, tolerance, proportionality and accountability. 而边缘化的词汇是：公正、公平、宽容、均 衡和责任。 The purpose of editing the News of the World under Rupert Murdoch was not to promote reader understanding, to be fair in what was written or to betray any common humanity. 在鲁伯特·默多克的领导下，编写《世界新闻报》的目 的不是去促进读者的理解，不是在出版的新闻里体现公平，也不是揭露人性。 It was to ruin lives in the quest for circulation and impact. 而是毁灭那些阻碍 它追求发行量和影响的人。 Ms Brooks may or may not have had suspicions about how her journalists got their stories, but she asked no questions, gave no instructions—nor received traceable, recorded answers. 布鲁克斯女士对她的记者获得新闻故事的手段可 能产生过怀疑，也可能没有， 但她却不闻不问，没有下达过任何指示——也没 有收到可追踪的、记录下来的回答。