重庆大学研究生英语阅读教程英语翻译1_2_3_4_10_14单元

E-weekly 1 Unit 1 Why mom gets roses, and dad a collect call (为什么妈妈得到玫瑰,而爸爸得到的却是“对方付费电话”) 美国人在母亲节和父亲节都会庆祝。然而，在这两个场合中，父亲和母亲从孩子那儿 收到的礼物却不相同。这篇文章研究了差异背后的问题。 Let‟s face it: there‟s something about a silk tie that strangles sentiment. 我们要面对这样一个事实：有些东西就像丝带一样，扼制了我们的情感达。 Whereas May overflows with tender tokens for mom-measured by the 150 million greeting cards and the wire-jamming long-distance telephone calls--dear old dad generally will make do with much less this Sunday. As many dads know, Father‟s Day is the No.1 day for collect call— and for proudly modeling a new glow-in-the-dark football tie. 尽管母亲节使五月充满了温情的礼物，包括 1 亿 5 千万张贺卡和多得使线路堵塞的长 途电话，但亲爱的老爸在这个周日却要凑合着少得多的纪念品。许多父亲都知道，父亲节 是“对方付费电话”最多的一天，也是父亲们骄傲地展示一条新的、会在暗处发光的足球领 带的最多的一天。 Even if dads don‟t mind, the Father‟s Day/Mother‟s Day discrepancy nonetheless speaks to society‟s views on parenthood and father‟s role in raising children. “ the “gag gifts” associated with Father‟s Day reflect the profound ambivalence（正反感情并存）that our culture feels about emotional connections to fathers,” says Scott Coltrane, a sociologist at the University of California at Riverside. 虽然父亲们并不在意，但父亲节和母亲节的差异依然说明了社会对于父母身份和父亲 在抚养孩子中的角色的看法。“那种与父亲节有关的、戏弄式的礼物反映了意义深远的矛 盾，这就是我们的文化所感觉到的与父亲情感上的联系。”加利福尼亚大学赛德分校的一 位社会学家 Scott Coltrane 说道。 But how Americans celebrate fatherhood may catch up with today‟s dads, others say. “Gender roles and gender behavior are changing all the time,” says Frederic Brunel, associate professor of marketing at Boston University School of Management. 但是，也有人说，美国人庆祝父亲节的方式已经赶上了现代父亲们的节奏。波士顿大 学管理学院营销学副教授 Frederic Brunel 说：“性别角色和性别行为是一直在变化的。” There are some signs that may be happening. Hallmark‟s wares feature few dads befuddled by diaper changes and more straight-faced sentiment. Boston‟s Bella Sante spa recommends pampering pop with a manicure or facial, and 911Gifts.com offers tranquility fountains and European soaps. The top sellers, however, are a money clip, a pocket tool and a hand- cranked radio/light, proving that shopping for dad still comes down to “ties and tools,” as Mr.Brunel puts it. 这里有一些可能正在发生的标志。Hallmark 的商品很少考虑那些被尿布的变化弄糊涂 的父亲，更多的是直观的感情表达。波士顿的 Bella Sunte 温泉疗养地，推出了一种无微不 至的项目，包括修指甲、美容以及 911Gifts.com 提供的安宁喷泉和欧洲香皂。但是最畅销 E-weekly 2 的还是钱夹、工具包和手拧收音机（或灯）。这证明了 Brunel 先生所说的，买给父亲的礼 物始终还是那些领带工具之类。 Indeed, Americans‟ tendency to shy away from sentiment when it comes to their fathers is one explanation for the 10 million ties being handed out this Sunday—to say nothing of the scores of soap-on-a-rope and state-of-the-art pooper scoopers (for ergonomic walks with Rover) being gift-wrapped this weekend as symbols of filial piety 的确，美国人在面对父亲的时候有羞于表达感情的倾向，这也解释了为什么这个星期 天会有上千万条领带被送出---更不用说许多系着绳子的香皂和最新型的长柄粪铲（符合人 体工学，适合散步者）在这个周末被包装送出作为子女孝道的象征。 Father‟s Day, first proposed in 1910, has played second violin to Mother‟s Day throughout the 20 th century. “There‟s a sacredness attached to motherhood that we don‟t attach to fatherhood,” says Mr. LaRossa. 父亲节在 1910 年被首次提出后，在整个 20 世纪一直处于比居母亲节低的次要地位。 “有一种神圣的感觉附着在母性上，这种感觉在父性上，我们却没有。（把母亲放在神圣的 位置，而却不那么崇敬父亲）”LaRossa先生说。 That comes through in the hoopla surrounding the two holidays. Dads got 95 million cards last year to moms‟ 150 million. Mother‟s Day is the No.1 calling day in the US, according to AT&T, while Father‟s Day registers the most collect calls. And moms got six times more posies in 1998 than did her parenting counterpart, according to an FTD survey. 这来自于围绕这两个节日的讨论。去年父亲们收到 9 千 5 百万张贺卡而母亲们收到 1 亿 5 千万张。据 AT&T 调查，母亲节是美国接电话最多的一天，而父亲节是注册对方付费 电话最多的一天。而根据 FTD 的调查，在 1998 年妈妈们收到的花朵是与她们相应的抚养 同伴们收到的 6 倍。 Some cultural experts say the expanding definition of “father” may also raise the profile of dads‟ special day. Now, one-third of all Father‟s Day cards are sent to men other than dads. “The need for Father‟s may become greater” as a way to honor stepfathers, grandfathers, and other men who have stepped in to fill a father‟s shoes, says Mr. Thompson. “It might end up putting more juice into the holiday.” 一些文化专家说“父亲”定义的扩展也可能会提升父亲节的形象。现在，三分之一的父 亲节卡片是送给除父亲以外的男性的。Mr.Thompson 说：“父亲节的需要可能会变得更大 些”，作为一种表达对继父、祖父和那些扮演父亲角色的男性的敬意的方式，“它可能以给 父亲节增添更多的意义（精彩）而结束” E-weekly 3 Unit 2 Several Languages Called English (几种被称为英语的语言) English isn’t managing to sweep all else before it---and if it ever does become the universal language, many of those who speak it won’t understand one another. 英语不会横扫一切在它之前的语言。如果有一天它变成世界通用语言，那些说它的人 也不会彼此理解。 Much of what will happen to English we can only speculate about. But let‟s pursue an idea that language researchers regard as fairly well grounded: native speakers of English are already outnumbered by second-language and foreign-language speakers, and will be more heavily out- numbered as time goes on. 关于英语将会发生的许多变化，我们只能做出推测。但是让我们来追寻一个被语言 研究人员认为是有根据的观念，那就是以英语为第二语言或外语的说英语的人比以英语为 母语的人多，并且随着时间的推移，还将多更多。 One obvious implication is that some proportion of the people suing English for business or professional purposes around the world aren‟t and needn‟t be fluent in it. Recently I talked with Michael Henry Heim, a professor of Slavic literatures at the University of California at Los Angeles and a professional translator who has rendered into English major works by Milan Kundera and Gunter Grass. By his count, he speak “ten or so” languages. He told me flatly, “English is much easier to learn poorly and to communicate in poorly than any other language. I‟m sure that if Hungary were the leader of the world, Hungarian would not be the world language. To communicate on a day-to-day basis---to order a meal, to book a room---there‟s no language as simple as English.” Research, though, suggests that people are likely to find a language easier or harder to learn according to how similar it is to their native tongue, in terms of things like word order, grammatical structure, and cognate words. As the researcher Terence Odlin noted in his book Language Transfer(1989), the duration of full-time intensive courses given to English- speaking U.S. foreign-service personnel amounts to a rough measurement of how different, in these ways, other languages are from English. Today the courses for foreign-service employees who need to learn German, Italian, French, Spanish,or Portuguese last twenty-four weeks. Those for employees learning Swahili, Indonesian, or Malay last thirty-six weeks, and for people learning languages including Hindi, Urdu, Russian, and Hungarian, forty-four weeks. Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean take eighty-eight weeks. Note that all the world‟s other commonest E-weekly 4 native languages except Spanish are in the groups most demanding of English-speakers. It might be reasonable to suppose that the reverse is also true—that Arabic- and Chinese-speakers find fluency in English to be more of a challenge than Spanish-speakers do. 一个显而易见的推论：在世界上，一部分人是为了生意或职业目的而使用英语，他 们的英语不流利，也不需要流利。最近，我和 Michael Henry Heim 交谈过，他是洛杉矶 加利福尼亚大学的斯拉夫文学教授，也是一位职业翻译，他曾将 Milan Kundera 和 Gunter Grass 的主要著作译成英文。他算了一下，他能说出大约十种语言。他直截了当地 告诉我：“与其他任何语言相比，英语更容易简单学习和交流。我确信，如果匈牙利是世 界的领导者，匈牙利语也不会成为世界语言。在日常基本交流中，如点餐、订房等，没有 比英语简单的语言。”然而，研究表明人们或许会发现某种语言学起来更简单或更困难， 根据和他们的母语在某些方面的相似程度而言，比如语序、语法结构和同根词等。就像研 究人员 Terence Odlin 在他的《语言的演变》（1989）一中指出的：为说英语的美国涉外 服务人员开设的、全日制精读课程所需持续的时间，可以粗略地度量其他语言和英语的差 异程度。现在，为需要学习德语、意大利语、法语、西班牙语或葡萄牙语的涉外服务人员 开设的课程持续 24 周，为学习斯瓦西里语、印度尼西亚语或马来语的职员开设的课程持 续 36 周，学习海地语、乌尔都语、俄语和匈牙利语需要 44 周，阿拉伯语、汉语、日语、 韩语要花 88 周。注意，除了西班牙语以外，其他世界上最普遍的母语对说英语的人来说 都是非常难的。有理由认为反过来说也是正确的，即说阿拉伯语和说汉语的人会发现，与 说西班牙语的人相比，要说流利的英语对他们是更大的挑战。 A variety of restricted subsets of English have been developed to meet the needs of nonfluent speakers. Among these is Special English, which the Voice of America began using in its broadcasts experimentally some forty years ago and has employed part-time ever since. Special English has a basic vocabulary of just 1,500 words( The American Heritage Dictionary contains some 200,00 words, and the Oxford English Dictionary nearly 750,000), though sometimes these words are used to define non-Special English words that VOA writers deem essential to a given story. Currently VOA uses Special English for news and features that are broadcast a half hour at a time, six times a day, seven days a week, to millions of listeners worldwide. 为满足那些不流利的说英语人的需要，已经有许多有限形式的英语发展起来，特别 英语是其中之一，早在 40 年前美国之音就在试验性广播中开始使用它，从那时起就一直 在部分时间内使用。特别英语仅有 1500 个基本词汇（《美国传统字典》包括大约 200000 个词汇，《牛津英语词典》有近 750000 个），但有时它们被用于解释非特别英语的词汇， 这些词汇被美国之音的作者们认为对一个给定的故事来说是基本需要的。现在，美国之音 使用特别英语向全世界数以百万计的听众播放新闻和特别报道，其中特别报道每周播放七 天，每天六次，每次半小时。 But restricted forms of English are usually intended for professional communities. Among the best known of these is Seaspeak, which ships‟ pilots around the world have used for the past dozen years or so; this is now being supplanted by SMCP, or “Standard Marine Communication E-weekly 5 Phrases,” which is also derived from English but was developed by native speakers of a variety of languages. Airplane pilots and air-traffic controllers use a restricted form of English called Airspeak. 但是，有限形式的英语通常是供专业团体使用的，这其中最有名的是航海用语，全 世界的船舶领航员在过去大约几百年或更久的时间里都使用这种语言，现在，它已经被同 样起源于英语，但被不同语言的本土居民发展后的 SMCP（即“标准航海交流用语”）所代 替。飞机的领航员和空中交通管制员使用的是一种被称为航空语言的有限的英语形式。 Certainly, the world‟s ships and airplanes are safer if those who guide them have some language in common, and restricted forms of English have no modern-day rivals for this role. The greatest danger language now seems to pose to navigation and aviation is that some pilots learn only enough English to describe routine situations, and find themselves at a loss when anything out of the ordinary happens. 确实，如果那些引导人员使用共同的语言，世界上的船舶和飞机将会更加安全，并 且由于它的这个功能使有限形式的英语没有当今的竞争者。现在，对于航海业和航空业， 由语言引起的最大危险似乎在于，一些领航员学习的英语只够描述常规状况，而出现意外 情况时他们就会觉得很困惑。 Something else obviously implied by the ascendance of English as a second and a foreign language is that more and more people who speak English speak another language at least as well, and probably better. India may have the third or fourth largest number of English-speakers in the world, but English is thought to be the mother tongue of much less than one percent of the population. This is bound to affect the way the language is used locally. Browsing some English- language Web aites from India recently, I seldom had trouble understanding what was meant. I did, however, time and again come across unfamiliar words borrowed from Hindi or another indigenous Indian language. On the site called India world the buttons that a user could click on to call up various types of information were labeled “samachar: Personalized News,” “dhan: Investing in India,” “khoj: Search India,” “khel: Indian Cricket,” and so forth. When I turned to the Afternoon Despatch & Courier of Bombay (some of whose residents call it Mumbai) and called up a gossipy piece about the romantic prospects of the son of Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi, I read, “Sources disclose that before Rahul Gandhi left for London, some kind of a „swayamvar‟ was enacted at 10, Janpath with family friend Captain Satish Sharma drawing up a short list of suitable brides from affluent, well-known connected families of Uttar Pradesh. 英语作为第二语言或外语的支配地位也很明显地暗示，越来越多说英语的人也能很 流利的说其他语言，也许说的更好。印度说英语的人数可能在世界上排第三或第四位，但 以英语为母语的不到总人口的 1%，这肯定会影响英语在当地的使用方式。近来浏览一些 印度的英文网站，我很少有难以理解的情况，但是，我反复地碰到一些不熟悉的、出自印 地语或其它土生土长的印度语的词汇。在一个叫做“印度世界”的网站上，有一些按钮，使 用者可以点击它们以获得不同种类的信息，这些按钮标有“samachar：个性化新闻”、 E-weekly 6 “dhan：印度投资”、“khoj：印度搜索”。“khel：印度板球”等等。当我转向《孟买下午电 讯与信使报》（有些居民称之为 Mumbai）时，看到一篇关于 Rajiv 和 Sonia Gandhi 的儿 子浪漫前景的闲话，我读到这样一段话，“有消息透露，在 Rahul gandhi 离开去伦敦前， 一些“swayamvar”在十点钟制定出来，Janpath 和家族的朋友 Satish Sharma 上校草拟了一 份简短的、般配的新娘名单，她们来自于 Uttar Pradesh 地区富裕的、著名的相关家族。” Of course, English is renowned for its ability to absorb elements from other languages. As ever more local and national communities use English, though, they will pull language in ever more directions. Few in the world will care to look as far afield as the United States or Britain for their standards of proper English. After all, we long ago gave up looking to England-as did Indians and also Canadians, South Africans, Australians, and New Zealanders, among others. Today each of these national groups is proud to have its own idioms, and dictionaries to define them. 当然，英语以其吸收其他语言要素的能力而著称。然而，由于更多的地方性和国家 团体使用英语，他们会把英语推向更多的方向。世界上很少有人会像美国人和英国人那样 在乎自己的用语与正确的英语标准之间偏离的有多远。毕竟，很久以前我们就不用再看英 国的脸色了，就像印度做的那样，还有加拿大、南非、澳大利亚和新西兰以及其他国家也 这样。如今，这些国家集团的每个成员都为有他们自己的习语和定义这些习语的字典而自 豪。 Most of the world‟s English-speaking communities can still understand one another well- though not, perhaps, perfectly. As Anne Soukhanov, a word columnist for this magazine and the American editor of the Encarta world English dictionary, explained in an article titled “The King‟s English it Ain‟t,” published on the Internet last year, “Some English words mean very different things, depending on your country. In South Asia, a hotel is a restaurant, but in Australia, a hotel is an establishment selling alcoholic beverages. In South Africa, a robot is a traffic light. 世界上大多数说英语的团体也许还能彼此理解，尽管可能不完美。就像这本杂志的 一个文字专栏作家、《电子百科世界英语词典》的美国编辑 Anne Soukhanov 在去年发表 于因特网的一篇名为“它不是英王国的英语”的文章中所解释的，“一些英语词汇意味着完 全不同的东西，这取决于你在哪个国家。在南亚，“hotel”指的是一个饭馆，但在澳大利亚 “hotel”却是一个销售含酒精饮料的设施。在南非，robot 指的是一个交通信号灯。” E-weekly 7 Unit 3 Is internet Addiction Real (真的是网络上瘾吗？) Addiction is the state of a person being unable to free himself from a harmful habit, especially the taking of drugs. Can we say some people are addicted to the internet? This article gives us an answer. 上瘾是指一个人不能摆脱他的坏习惯的一种状态，特别是吸毒。我们能说有些人对 网络上瘾吗？这篇文章提供了一种。 Yes, that‟s right, I said internet addiction. The idea is creeping into popular culture, too. Parents are warned about how long they should let their children stay online, and college students are lectured on appropriate Net use. Your employer may be monitoring your emails, or keeping tabs on how long you are spending surfing the internet. Addiction clinics around the world are fielding calls daily regarding excessive internet use. Whether you believe in the idea of Internet addiction or not, the phenomenon is gaining acceptance as as a bona fide psychological disorder. 是的，这就是我说的网络上瘾，这种观点也正蔓延到公众文化中。父母们被建议他 们应该让孩子上网多长时间，大学生们被告诫要适当地使用网络，你的老板也许正在监控 你的电子邮件，或者监视你上网的时间，遍及世界的上瘾门诊部正巧妙地回答那些每天都 有的、关注过度使用网络的呼吁。无论你是否相信网络上瘾的观点，这种现象作为真 正的心理混乱正在获得认可。 At first, I was also skeptical of claims that people are addicted to the internet. After 3 years of studying how people behave online, I still couldn‟t see how people could actually be addicted to the Net. Sure, pelple can be “addicted” to chocolate or shopping, but is this really addiction? Is it worthy of a differential diagnosis? My immediate conclusion was that this was just another case of psychobabble, a pop psychology topic of the week. 最初，我还是怀疑那些所谓人们对网络上瘾的说法。对人们的在线行为研究了三年 之后，我仍然没有弄清楚，人们实际上是怎样对网络上瘾的。确实，人们可能会对巧克力 或者逛街上瘾，但那是真的上瘾吗？它值得去鉴别诊断吗？我的直接结论就是，它只不过 是这周流行的心理话题——“心理呓语”的另一种状况。 E-weekly 8 After investigating the phenomenon thoroughly, there was one nagging fact that kept popping up. Some people are simple using the internet too much. It has been report in numerous peer-reviewed journal article, and as an internet behavior researcher, I have actually seen it. How can we explain these people who seem to spend so much time on the web, often to the point that it interferes with normal functioning? The answer lies in the fundamental nature of the internet. First, however, I must settle a semantic disagreement. People are not addicted to the internet in the same way that they can be addicted to alcohol or cocaine. However, they do exhibit pathological behaviors, much as a compulsive gambler does. Therefore, a more appropriate term is pathological internet use, which describes the individual who use the internet in such a way that there are pathological internet in such a way that there are pathological and behavioral implications. However, if that is much of a mouthful for you to remember, let‟s stick with internet addiction for the sake of simplicity. 在彻底地调查了这种现象之后，有一种令人不安的事实突然浮现出来，那就是有些 人简直过多使用网络。这种情况在许多学术期刊文章中被提到过，作为一个网络行为研究 者，我也确实看到了这种现象。我们怎样解释这些似乎在网络上花了很多时间的人，通常 达到了扰乱正常机能的程度？对这个问题的回答依赖于网络的基本特征。但我要先解决一 个语义上的争论，即：人们对网络上瘾的方式和对酒精、可卡因上瘾是不一样的。然而， 他们确实表现出病态的行为，更像一个嗜赌成癖的赌徒所做的那样。因此，一个更合适的 术语是“病态的网络使用”，它描述了个人使用网络的这样一种方式，其中有心理的和行为 的暗示。但如果这个内容太多，让你难以一下子记住，为了简便目的，就让我们保持“网 络上瘾”这个叫法吧。 The reason that the Internet has become so popular is that it is extremely efficient as a communication tool. It allows us to be anonymous when we want, or to stand on a virtual soapbox and let the world know just what we think of it. However, more than a mere communication tool, the internet is also a tool for entertainment. It is, simply, fun. We can play games, role play( i.e. pretend to be anyone we want), meet other people, listen to music, poke fun at political leaders, and watch dancing babies to our heart‟s content. Sure, there are annoying banner ads all over the web, and people send you strange e-mails once in a while, but for the most part spending time online is an enjoyable experience. 那么，既然我们有了定义，到底是什么让人对网络那么上瘾呢？好的，让我们先从 为什么使用网络开始。首先，网络是一个交流工具，我们主要是交流思想和信息。作为一 种交流媒介和信息媒介，我们在工作场所、学校、家里和办公室都要使用网络。我们为了 某个学术项目查找信息，工作中做一个市场调查，发黄色笑话的邮件给其他人，在老 板正好进来时立即发信息警告同事。网络变得如此流行的原因是，它作为一个交流工具极 其高效。它让我们想匿名就匿名，还可以进行一场虚拟的高谈阔论并让世界都知道我们怎 么看待它。但网络不仅仅是一个交流工具，还是一个娱乐工具，简单地说，它很有趣。我 们可以打游戏，玩角色扮演（也就是假装成任何我们想像的人），会见其他人，听音乐， E-weekly 9 取笑政治领导人，尽情欣赏舞蹈宝贝。当然，网上到处都是烦人的条幅广告，不时还有人 给你发一些奇怪的电子邮件，但在线的大部分时间还是一种令人愉快的体验。 当我们把交流和娱乐混为一体时，我们就被置于一种媒体中，它正难以置信地吸引 人们的兴趣。显而易见的，在网络上我们可以很开心地与他人交流，总能找到一种方法来 （比喻地）突然打击我们集体的智力。在有些情况下，人们会走向极端，迷失在网络世界 里，这对他们离线后的真实世界造成了伤害，长此以往就会导致日常生活机能的问题。 What are the symptoms of Internet addiction? They include: academic/work or interpersonal problems, neglecting friends, family, and job or personal responsibilities, withdrawal when away from the internet, irritability when attempting to stop using the Internet, staying online more than originally intended, lying or concealing how much time you spend online, drastic lifestyle changes in order to spend more time online, a general decrease in physical activity, disregard for one‟s health as a result of internet activity, and sleep deprivation or a change in sleep patterns in order to spend time on the net. 网络上瘾的症状是什么？它们包括：学术、工作或人际关系出现问题，忽视朋友、 家庭、工作或个人职责，远离网络又回来，试图不上网时焦躁不安，在线时间远远超出原 计划，撒谎或隐瞒上网所花的时间，为了花更多时间上网造成生活方式显著改变，体力活 动普遍减少，因上网导致忽视个人健康，为了有时间上网而缺乏睡眠或是改变睡眠习惯。 People with internet addiction not only behave differently, they also think differently. They have obsessive thoughts about the Internet, diminished impulse control, and feel as though the Internet is their only friend. There is the feeling that the Internet is the only place where they feel good about themselves and the world around them. Other symptoms include thinking about the Internet while offline, anticipating future time online, and spending large of amounts of money on Internet time and other such expenses. The person spends less time doing otherwise pleasurable activities than before the condition began. What used to be fun is no longer enjoyable. A further complication arises when the person eventually isolates himself or herself from friends, in favor of friends online. Finally, people with Internet addiction have a sense of guilt about their online use. They often lie to their friends about how much time they spend online, and consider their Internet use a secret to others. While they understand that what they are doing is not entirely socially acceptable, they cannot stop. This results in a diminished self worth and further symptoms of Internet addiction. So, the