徐老师原典英语 特别奉献——【美国总统奥巴马西点军校演讲】
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TheWhite House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
December 01, 2009
Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on theWay
Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan
Eisenhower Hall Theatre, United StatesMilitary Academy atWest
Point, West Point, New York
8:01 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. To the United States Corps of
Cadets, to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow
Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in
Afghanistan -- the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our
interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this
war to a successful conclusion. It's an extraordinary honor for me to do
so here at West Point -- where so many men and women have prepared to
stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.
To address these important issues, it's important to recall why America
and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first
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place. We did not ask for this fight. On September 11, 2001, 19 men
hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.
They struck at our military and economic nerve centers. They took the
lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith
or race or station. Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers
onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the
great symbols of our democracy inWashington, and killed many more.
As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda -- a group of extremists who
have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to
justify the slaughter of innocents. Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in
Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban -- a ruthless,
repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it
was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the
attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.
Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda
and those who harbored them -- an authorization that continues to this day.
The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing. The vote in the House was 420
to 1. For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization invoked Article 5 -- the commitment that says an attack on
one member nation is an attack on all. And the United Nations Security
Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11
徐老师原典英语 特别奉献——【美国总统奥巴马西点军校演讲】
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attacks. America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy
al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common security.
Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy -- and
only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden -- we sent our
troops into Afghanistan. Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was
scattered and many of its operatives were killed. The Taliban was driven
from power and pushed back on its heels. A place that had known
decades of fear now had reason to hope. At a conference convened by
the U.N., a provisional government was established under President
Hamid Karzai. And an International Security Assistance Force was
established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.
Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq.
The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be
repeated here. It's enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war
drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and
our national attention -- and that the decision to go into Iraq caused
substantial rifts betweenAmerica and much of the world.
Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a
responsible end. We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the
end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011. That we
are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in
徐老师原典英语 特别奉献——【美国总统奥巴马西点军校演讲】
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uniform. (Applause.) Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance,
we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are
successfully leaving Iraq to its people.
But while we've achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in
Afghanistan has deteriorated. After escaping across the border into
Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven
there. Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan
people, it's been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-
developed economy, and insufficient security forces.
Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with
al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.
Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in
Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating
attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.
Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a
fraction of what they were in Iraq. When I took office, we had just over
32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at
the peak of the war. Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for
support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these
reinforcements did not arrive. And that's why, shortly after taking office,
I approved a longstanding request for more troops. After consultations
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with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental
connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe
havens in Pakistan. I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting,
dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to
better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.
Since then, we've made progress on some important objectives. High-
ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we've stepped
up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide. In Pakistan, that nation's army has
gone on its largest offensive in years. In Afghanistan, we and our allies
prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and --
although it was marred by fraud -- that election produced a government
that is consistent withAfghanistan's laws and constitution.
Yet huge challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years
it has moved backwards. There's no imminent threat of the government
being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum. Al Qaeda has
not reemerged inAfghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they
retain their safe havens along the border. And our forces lack the full
support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security
forces and better secure the population. Our new commander in
Afghanistan -- General McChrystal -- has reported that the security
situation is more serious than he anticipated. In short: The status quo is
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not sustainable.
As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some
of you fought in Afghanistan. Some of you will deploy there. As your
Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and
worthy of your service. And that's why, after the Afghan voting was
completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy. Now, let me
be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop
deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources
necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period. Instead,
the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions, and to explore all the
different options, along with my national security team, our military and
civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners. And given the
stakes involved, I owed the American people -- and our troops -- no less.
This review is now complete. And as Commander-in-Chief, I have
determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional
30,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will
begin to come home. These are the resources that we need to seize the
initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a
responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.
徐老师原典英语 特别奉献——【美国总统奥巴马西点军校演讲】
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I do not make this decision lightly. I opposed the war in Iraq precisely
because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military
force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions.
We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and
resources. Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on
national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and
partisan backdrop for this effort. And having just experienced the worst
economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are
understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to
work here at home.
Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you -- a military
that, along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all
burdens. As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family
of each American who gives their life in these wars. I have read the
letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed. I visited our
courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I've traveled to Dover to
meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final
resting place. I see firsthand the terrible wages of war. If I did not think
that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people
were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our
troops home tomorrow.
徐老师原典英语 特别奉献——【美国总统奥巴马西点军校演讲】
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So, no, I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision because I
am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda. It is
from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new
attacks are being plotted as I speak. This is no idle danger; no
hypothetical threat. In the last few months alone, we have apprehended
extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region
of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror. And this danger
will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate
with impunity. We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that,
we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.
Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just America's
war. Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks
against London and Amman and Bali. The people and governments of
both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered. And the stakes are even
higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda
and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to
believe that they would use them.
These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our
overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al
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Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten
America and our allies in the future.
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within
Afghanistan. We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven. We must reverse
the Taliban's momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the
government. And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's
security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility for
Afghanistan's future.
We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a
military strategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase
Afghanistan's capacity over the next 18 months.
The 30,000 additional troops that I'm announcing tonight will deploy in
the first part of 2010 -- the fastest possible pace -- so that they can target
the insurgency and secure key population centers. They'll increase our
ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them
so that more Afghans can get into the fight. And they will help create the
conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.
Because this is an international effort, I've asked that our commitment be
joined by contributions from our allies. Some have already provided
additional troops, and we're confident that there will be further
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contributions in the days and weeks ahead. Our friends have fought and
bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan. And now, we must come
together to end this war successfully. For what's at stake is not simply a
test of NATO's credibility -- what's at stake is the security of our allies, and
the common security of the world.
But taken together, these additional American and international troops will
allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and
allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of
2011. Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition
responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground. We'll continue
to advise and assist Afghanistan's security forces to ensure that they can
succeed over the long haul. But it will be clear to the Afghan government
-- and, more importantly, to the Afghan people -- that they will ultimately
be responsible for their own country.
Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the
Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the
government can take advantage of improved security.
This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank
check are over. President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right
message about moving in a new direction. And going forward, we will
be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance.
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We'll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat
corruption and deliver for the people. We expect those who are
ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable. And we will also focus our
assistance in areas -- such as agriculture -- that can make an immediate
impact in the lives of the Afghan people.
The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They've
been confronted with occupation -- by the Soviet Union, and then by
foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.
So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand -- America seeks an
end to this era of war and suffering. We have no interest in occupying
your country. We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open
the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human
rights of their fellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership with
Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect -- to isolate those who destroy; to
strengthen those who build; to hasten the day when our troops will leave;
and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and
never your patron.
Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan
is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.
We're in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading
through that country. But this same cancer has also taken root in the
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border region of Pakistan. That's why we need a strategy that works on
both sides of the border.
In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who've argued that the
struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off
doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence. But
in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad,
it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most
endangered by extremism. Public opinion has turned. The Pakistani
army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan. And there is
no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.
In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly.
Those days are over. Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership
with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual
respect, and mutual trust. We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target
those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we
cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known and
whose intentions are clear. America is also providing substantial
resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development. We are the
largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the
fighting. And going forward, the Pakistan people must know America
will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long
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after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can
be unleashed.
These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to
create the conditions for a transition; a civilian surge that reinforces
positive action; and an effective partnership with Pakistan.
I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me
briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I've heard, and
which I take very seriously.
First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.
They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we're better off cutting our
losses and rapidly withdrawing. I believe this argument depends on a
false reading of history. Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad
coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.
Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency.
And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were
viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same
extremists who are plotting along its border. To abandon this area now --
and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance -- would
significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and
create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our
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allies.
Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can't leave Afghanistan
in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we
already have. But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we
muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there. It
would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan,
because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train
Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.
Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our
transition to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more dramatic
and open-ended escalation of our war effort -- one that would commit us
to a nation-building project of up to a d